MOSCOW, Russia -- Analysts and diplomats name Ukraine, Kyrgyzstan and Georgia as  former Soviet republics where Russia has succeeded recently in rolling back  Western influence.
Belarus, which flirted last year with the West, is tracking back toward Moscow  and has agreed, together with Central Asian powerhouse Kazakhstan, to join  Moscow in a customs union.
The West, preoccupied with financial crisis  and keen to keep Russia as an ally in tackling problems such as nuclear  proliferation, has acquiesced.
“It’s extremely important to Putin to  reassert Russian influence in the (former Soviet Union),” said Maria Lipman,  editor of the Pro et Contra journal at the Moscow Carnegie Center. “Europe can’t  compete with that.”
In Ukraine, newly elected leader Viktor Yanukovich  scrapped plans by his predecessor to pursue NATO membership and did a deal  extending the lease of a Russian naval base in Ukraine by 25 years in return for  a 30 percent cut in gas prices.
Emboldened by his success, Putin  suggested last Friday that Kiev should merge its state gas company Naftogaz —  which owns the pipelines taking Russian gas across Ukraine to the West — with  Russia’s state-controlled giant Gazprom.
Georgia’s Western allies have  largely deserted President Mikheil Saakashvili after his disastrous attempt in  2008 to retake the rebel province of South Ossetia triggered a war with Russia  and a crushing military defeat.
Saakashvili has lost public support too  over the affair and Georgian opposition politicians, some of whom favor less  confrontational policies with Russia, have already traveled to Moscow for  exploratory talks with Putin.
In the poor Central Asia republic of  Kyrgyzstan, former President Kurmanbek Bakiyev blamed his fall in a popular  uprising on Moscow, saying the Kremlin was dissatisfied that he had backtracked  on a promise to close a key U.S. military base.
These developments mean  all three of the “color” revolutions, in which mass protests swept pro-Western  governments to power in Ukraine, Georgia and Kyrgyzstan, have been reversed or  seriously compromised.
“The collapse of the “Orange” administrations in  all countries except Georgia, which is now isolated, the recognition of South  Ossetia and Abkhazia, the re-booting of relations with the U.S. and the new  strategic pact with Ukraine together create ... ideal foreign political  conditions,” said Gleb Pavlovsky, a political analyst with close ties to the  Kremlin, in comments on his website kreml.org.
Two years ago, the  situation looked very different.
Then, former U.S. President George W.  Bush was aggressively pursuing the expansion of NATO to include Ukraine and  Georgia, U.S. anti-missile systems were planned for Central Europe and the  Kremlin howled about Western plots to encircle Russia.
But the election  of Obama and the global financial crisis brought different priorities to  Washington. Moscow became a key player which needed to be won over to an agenda  of global diplomacy rather than a Cold War-era foe to be  contained.
Publicly, U.S. officials bridle at the idea that they are  acquiescing in a renaissance of Kremlin power.
But privately, those  advancing the Obama agenda describe the Bush-era policies of confrontation with  Russia as misguided.
Such sentiments chime with a mood on continental  Europe which favors pragmatism with Russia, allowing Europeans to exploit  lucrative business opportunities unhindered by sour political grapes over human  rights or democracy.
“There is a growing feeling in most of Europe that  the time is right to seek a new consensus with Russia which is not based on the  old adversarial lines of NATO and human rights, but along a common agenda for  cooperation,” one European ambassador said.
The rapid changes in the  ex-Soviet Union should not have come as a surprise — the Kremlin was never shy  about its agenda.
President Dmitry Medvedev, Putin’s junior partner in  the ruling “tandem,” told Western journalists and academics in September 2008  that “we will work to extend our contacts with those nations with which we have  traditionally been close...If that doesn’t please everyone, what can I do about  it?.”
The U.S. Republicans and some eastern European nations are indeed  not pleased, but not everyone shares that view.
Proponents of Ukraine’s  deals with Moscow say that Russia agreed to gas price discounts worth up to $40  billion to secure the naval base — a gift for Kiev’s struggling  finances.
U.S. diplomats hail a new START treaty with Russia cutting  nuclear arms, deals to allow supplies for NATO troops in Afghanistan to cross  Russia, and signs Moscow may back sanctions against Iran as fruits of the new,  better relationship.
“It was gradually realized in the West that  provoking Russia does not yield positive results,” the Carnegie Center’s Lipman  said. “We can benefit from being on better terms with Russia.”
 
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