Tuesday, 10 January 2012
Russian blogger Navalny unmasks 'Kremlin' photo smear
Alexei Navalny proved that a picture in a newspaper distributed by Putin supporters was a forgery when he published the original on his blog.
The faked photo shows Mr Navalny alongside fugitive Russian tycoon Boris Berezovsky, who lives in London.
Protesters fear the March presidential vote may be rigged to favour Mr Putin.
Currently prime minister, he is standing for re-election after serving two previous terms as president.
Alleged fraud at parliamentary elections in December sparked the biggest anti-government rallies seen in Moscow since Soviet times.
Mr Navalny, a lawyer who campaigns against corruption, was a key speaker at the last rally, on 24 December, which drew an estimated 100,000 people.
Young activists sporting blue rain jackets marked "Vladimir Putin" were spotted handing out newspapers containing the forged photo in the Urals city of Yekaterinburg.
The photo shows Mr Navalny and Mr Berezovsky standing beside each other, smiling for the camera, with the caption: "Alexei Navalny has never made any secret of the fact that the oligarch Boris Berezovsky gives him money to fight Putin."
Russia has been trying for years to extradite Mr Berezovsky, who was granted political asylum in the UK in 2003. He is wanted on fraud charges, which he denies.
In a blog posting which led with the words "News from [Vladimir] Putin's electoral campaign", Mr Navalny published the original photo, sent to him months earlier by photographer Alexei Yushenkov as a souvenir.
Taken on 25 May in the offices of Russian radio station Moscow Echo, the snap shows the blogger alongside Mikhail Prokhorov, a Russian billionaire who has since declared himself a candidate in the March election.
On his own blog, Mr Yushenkov confirmed that the photo had never been published because of its poor quality and he surmised that it had been stolen when Mr Navalny's email account was hacked last year.
Russian bloggers have been posting their own parodies of the fake photo, some of which were published on Mr Navalny's blog.
The photozhabas, as digitally altered images are known in Russian internet slang, show the blogger posing with everyone from Soviet dictator Josef Stalin to Bender, the robot in the cartoon Futurama.
In another development, the Urals editor of popular Russian newspaper Argumenty i Fakty has denied any link to the doctored photograph.
Dmitry Bondarev told the BBC's Russian Service that his publication had no connection to the other paper, which bears the name "Argumenty i Fakty - Urals Digest" and looks similar.
A note on the paper with the fake photo, which is reportedly a special edition praising Mr Putin and trashing the opposition, says that it was compiled by the All-Russia Popular Front - a political coalition launched by Mr Putin in May.
According to Yekaterinburg blogger nuclOid, 80,000 copies were printed.
Saturday, 5 November 2011
Russia's new ICBM about to materialize
Russia conducted a successful launch of Bulava intercontinental ballistic missile on Friday morning. It was the third launch of the new ICBM this year. Two more launches are required to pass Bulava into service. The two launches need to be successful to let this happen.
The tests of the Bulava missile continue for seven years already. Today's launch has become the 17th - since 2004. Ten of these launches were successful. The first three launches were successful. The following three - in 2006 - ended with failures.
The launches at the end of 2008 and 2009 led to negative results too. Soon afterwards, Russian and foreign media started saying that the country was supposedly no longer capable of building ICBMs. Specialists urged everyone not to come to such conclusions. They said that the tests were conducted to find out the flaws which would then be removed.
In 2010, all the launches of the new missile ended successfully. Officials with the defense ministry said that it would be possible to pass Bulava into service after five successful launches. Defense Minister Anatoly Serdyukov stated after the tests in July that one could already launch the serial production of Bulava.
The skeptics, who declared Bulava an "unsuccessful project," do not say anything now.
Today's launch was conducted from the Yuri Dolgoruky nuclear submarine.
"The missile was launched from under the water in the White Sea, near Kamchatka peninsula. The flight of the missile was conducted as planned. The warheads arrived to the range ground on time," official spokesman for Russia's Defense Ministry Igor Konashenkov said.
The sea-based intercontinental ballistic missile R-30 Bulava (RSM-56) is a three-stage hard fuel missile. The missile is equipped with the dispensing warhead. The warheads of the missile are capable of changing the altitude of the flight trajectory. They can strike the targets at a distance of up to 9,000 kilometers. The power of each warhead makes up 100-150 kilotons.
Yuri Dolgoruky nuclear cruiser is a Borei class submarine, project 955. The construction of the submarine began in 1996. The submarine currently goes through the process of tests. The submarine is going to be passed into service together with Bulava.
Friday, 12 August 2011
Medvedev backs Libya sanctions
President Dmitry Medvedev gave his backing to a UN Security Council resolution which authorized international military action in Libya.
In a decree posted on the Kremlin’s website on Friday, Medvedev banned all Libyan flights in Russian air space with the exception of humanitarian flights and authorized searches of ships for weapons or military personnel.
The decree also bans all financial operations involving the assets of Gaddafi and members of his family and his aides.
Monday, 18 October 2010
Video-Blog Diplomacy Could Trap Medvedev
On Oct. 3, Medvedev recorded a video message to the Russian and Belarussian people. He made clear that the Kremlin no longer views Belarussian President Alexander Lukashenko as Russia’s strategic partner. Medvedev basically called for a regime change in Minsk.
Sending powerful video-blog messages to neighboring states and their leaders has become a drill for Medvedev.
In August 2009, a few months before the presidential election in Ukraine, Medvedev bluntly called for a freeze in relations between Russia and Ukraine until Ukrainian voters replaced their “anti-Russian president,” Viktor Yushchenko. They did, and Russian-Ukrainian relations are back to normal.
This strategy has the advantage of publicly identifying laudable foreign policy objectives. It provides a direct channel of communication with broad audiences in the target states and Russia.
In his video-blog messages, Medvedev is presenting the Kremlin’s foreign policy as grounded more in moral imperatives and less in realpolitik.
He is rallying international and domestic support behind his positions— and thus campaigning for leadership at home and abroad, boosting his self-esteem.
But there is a downside to the video-blog diplomacy. It could turn out to be a high-stakes bet, front-loaded with risks of failure, especially when taping a video blog predates strategy development.
Once you publicly unveil the desirable policy outcomes, you deny yourself the advantage of a strategic surprise. You are locked into a strategy that is basically being developed on the go.
You no longer have the luxury of making a timely U-turn. Your policy options are further constrained by the public appeal to moral values, all but precluding a face-saving deal to avoid failure.
Medvedev’s call for a regime change in Kiev was successful largely because the Ukrainian political winds had already been blowing in Moscow’s favor. Yushchenko had such low ratings that his defeat was all but a given.
This is hardly the case in Belarus, where the “last dictator of Europe” stands a good chance of being re-elected without resorting to electoral fraud. The Kremlin would then be forced to deal with Lukashenko.
Lukashenko will surely challenge Medvedev’s video-blog diplomacy. Let’s hope that Medvedev has a strategy to deal with the aftermath.
Monday, 27 September 2010
Protestors tell the Kremlin where to stick Moscow's next mayor
With Yury Luzhkov’s days in office looking increasingly numbered, protestors have moved for calling for his head to demanding a say in who replaces the mayor.
An officially sanctioned demonstration in Moscow on Saturday brought 2,000 people to Bolotnaya Ploshchad – and made it clear that the incoming mayor should not expect an easy ride.
The campaign, led by opposition leaders Boris Nemtsov, Vladimir Ryzhkov and Vladimir Milov, fears Luzhkov’s eventual replacement will simply offer more of the same, since the new mayor will be imposed by the Kremlin.
Ilya Yashin gave both barrels to the authorities, gzt.ru reported. “The next mayor, who you are inventing right now in the Kremlin, will be no better,” he said. “He will be the same crook, redneck. And we will not live better.
“We want to tell you guys in the Kremlin where to stick your appointment. We want to return to public elections!”
Milov’s opening address complained that the new man would have no connection with the city.
“You have probably seen the shortlists of candidates which include the Kremlin’s caretaker and heads of government units who haven’t lived in Moscow for five years,” he said.
“They saw her only from the window of their Mercedes. This is what awaits us, because mayoral elections in our city have been abolished.”
The man at the centre of the storm, Luzkhov himself, is back in the office after a week’s vacation in Austria.
And he is adamant that he won’t step down of his own accord, Interfax reported.
He added that his first day back at work was merely “a start”, the agency reported.
Most observers, however, feel it is more of a finish. The Petersburg-based International Institute of Political Expertise rates Luzhkov’s future as the most precarious of Russia’s political figures.
And there are question marks over the future of several other long-serving officials, Kommersant reported.
Moscow Region’s Boris Gromov drew criticism for his handling of this summer’s fires, while Omsk’s Leonid Polezhayev was taken to court over the mysterious death of conscripts from his patch.
Like Polezhayev, Tomsk’s Viktor Kress is a long-serving governor whose 90s links make him increasingly vulnerable while Tver’s Dmitry Zelenin is expected to struggle.
Recent months have seen a string of long-serving governors leave office as part of the Kremlin’s efforts to revitalise local government. The heads of Novosibirsk, Kaliningrad, Kalmykia, Orenburg and the Yamalo Nenets Autonomous Region have all left this year.
Sunday, 1 August 2010
Saakashvili calls Georgia to war against Russia
President Mikheil Saakashvili has called on Georgia to prepare for “total defence” against Russia. “The goal of the enemy is to gain control over Georgia,” he said at the Georgian Ministry of Defence on Thursday, and exhorted his countrymen, “to burn every square metre under their feet.”
Before the war in 2008 the Gerogian army’s first duty was peacekeeping, the president said. But now the most important task before them was to halt the advance into Georgia, followed by the liberation of territories including Abkhazia and South Ossetia.
Speaking live on national television he told Georgians on Wednesday that the leaders of his armed forces should prepare not only total defence but also a sustainable defence. This should include long-term courses at military school and continued military reforms, he said. He added that Afghanistan was a good training ground for Georgian forces and that he wants to send more soldiers there.
“The goal of our enemy is to gain control over Georgia and he is working intensively on this task,”georgia reported. “Our final goal is the complete de-occupation of Georgian territory.”
“He wants to send messages to the world that Russia is the aggressor,” Masha Lipman of the Carnegie Centre said. “That Russia is ready to attack Georgia at any point…He is alarmed and he wants everybody else to be alarmed.”
She added that Russia did not attack Georgia the first time and that it would not do so this time, “I can make no sense of it whatsoever.”
Friday, 14 May 2010
Change at Westminster prompts hope of Kremlin thaw
A change in government is prompting cautious hopes of a thaw in UK-Russian relations after the coalition of David Cameron's Conservatives and Nick Clegg's Liberal Democrats ended 13 years of Labour rule in London.
The entente between Moscow and Westminster has been decidedly less than cordial in recent years, with on-going high-level spats over the death of former KGB officer Alexander Litvinenko and the western reaction to the 2008 war in South Ossetia dominating political exchanges between the two countries.
Presidential aide Sergei Prikhodko admitted that relations had reached "a point close to freezing", and urged Cameron's Westminster coalition with Lib Dem leader Nick Clegg to show "the political will to improve bilateral relations".
Among Russians current living in the UK, the new-look coalition government of Conservatives and Liberal Democrats seems to match the voting preferences of many.
A poll on the election suggested 45 per cent of numbers supported the Tories, with 26 per cent backing the Lib Dems and just 11 per cent favouring the outgoing Labour government.
For most expat Russian, however, the main concerns are not connected with high-level politics, but with day-to-day issues such as tax and public services.
Comments on the Rupoint forum focused more on changes to income tax thresholds and fears of an increase in VAT (the UK's sales tax, reduced to 15 per cent to stimulate spending during the economic crisis but back up to 17.5 per cent at the start of 2010).
Not even fears that a Conservative leadership would take a tougher line on immigration were enough to dissuade Russians from leaning towards David Cameron's party.
Tatiana Sukhoparova studied in the UK and continues to work there. She told The Moscow News: "People fear that those without citizenship or at least an unlimited leave to remain in Britain will inevitably have difficulties in staying here long term.
This also concerns me, since I am planning to apply for citizenship in the near future. I feel strongly connected to British culture, having spent most of my adult life here, and I feel part of a community here and care about what happens in the political, social and economic systems in Britain."
But she added that she had become frustrated with the consistent negative portrayal of Russia as a hostile nation, mired in mafia and KGB spooks.
"As a patriot I do feel resentful when Russians are spoken of badly," she said. "Our relations have to move on to a new phase and not just stand still.
"I believe that Cameron in coalition with Nick Clegg will bring in a new and fresh view on this relationship. They are of a different generation and seem to have more of an open mind - which is clearly shown in their coalition deal and makes me hope for a warmer attitude towards Russia."
But some feared the old wounds would take time to heal.
Neil McGowan, managing director of tour operator "The Russia Experience" which provides tailor-made excursions for Britons in Russia, has first hand experience of the damage done to tourist and study links between the two countries.
Accusing out-going British foreign minister David Miliband of "vicious bigoted hatred" of Russia, he claimed that the seeds of the clash dated back to then-President Vladimir Putin's refusal to support the Iraq war prompting a string of tit-for-tat measures.
"I believe that the hostility in relations - begun by David Miliband on his third day in office as Foreign Secretary - has been extremely damaging to British business interests in Russia, and likewise to the UK's potential to attract inward investment from Russian businesses," McGowan told The Moscow News.
His own tourist business also suffered, particularly amid repeated attempts from the British government and media to portray Russia as the aggressor in the 2008 conflict with Georgia over the breakaway republic of South Ossetia, followed by a sharp hike in visa costs on both sides.
"In terms of tourism into Russia, it's been catastrophic," he added. "We experienced dozens of cancellations from people who didn't want to go to the country that invaded poor little Georgia. How many more people changed their views on Russia as a destination we'll never know - we can see the hole in the figures though."
But joy at seeing the end of Miliband was tempered with concern at the arrival of William Hague as the new Foreign Secretary, particularly given his willingness to work with explicitly anti-Russian parties in former communist countries within the European Union.
"Hague is a silly ‘Little Englander' whose knowledge of countries other than America is mostly confined to the cheese section in Marks and Spencer's," McGowan added. "Perhaps he will mature into the job, although I have never thought of him as having one diplomatic bone in his body."
London calling as Chichvarkin speaks out
Exiled telecoms tycoon Yevgeny Chichvarkin ramped up the intrigue this week as he claimed that his former business partner, Boris Levin, could be the next to die in jail from inadequate medical attention.
In an Alexei Dymovsky-style video appeal posted on his blog on the Snob website, Chichvarkin piled the pressure on President Dmitry Medvedev, urging him to intervene in Levin's case.
Chichvarkin also accused a raft of officials of harassing his company and plotting a hostile takeover of Yevroset, the mobile firm he founded. Although the fate of Dymovsky's YouTube appeal does not bode well for Chichvarkin, he may have timed it to perfection.
A suited Chichvarkin appeared stern in the video against the sombre backdrop of London's Houses of Parliament and the River Thames.
Chichvarkin, who fled to the British capital in late 2008, urged Medvedev to look into his case, reiterating claims that Yevroset, along with six other companies, had been targeted in corporate raids by a gang of 11 officials operating out of the Interior Ministry's Department K.
After accusing generals Konstantin Machabel and Boris Miroshnikov of leading the "gang", Chichvarkin accused members of the department of stealing confiscated state property amounting to billions of dollars, as well as inducing the deaths of people close to him.
Chichvarkin is wanted in Russia over the 2003 abduction of Andrei Vlaskin, Yevroset's freight transport agent, and violently extorting money from him after he had stolen handsets from the company. Moscow filed an extradition request for Chichvarkin last June, but British prosecutors have delayed a decision until August.
Levin, Yevroset's vice president, is currently being detained for the abduction of Vlaskin, but both Chichvarkin and Levin deny the allegations and say the case against them is "fabricated".
Chichvarkin claims that Levin, who has contracted hepatitis while in pre-trial detention, is being denied necessary medical attention, effectively holding him "hostage".
Chichvarkin claimed that Levin would suffer the same fate as Hermitage lawyer Sergei Magnitsky, who died in jail last November, unless he is administered the right treatment. Prison deaths leapt back into the public eye last week when businesswoman Vera Trifonova died because her kidney condition and general poor health were allegedly deliberately ignored to coerce her into false testimony.
The appeal does seem to have got the ball rolling, if only with Levin's case. The Prosecutor General's Office confirmed it was investigating media statements "about the poor health of ...Levin," RIA Novosti reported.
Marat Faizullin, Levin's lawyer, confirmed to Kommersant that his client needed medical attention.
But Yuri Gervis, Chichvarkin's laywer, said he still doubts that any progress will be made. "It's a question of what's going to be checked out and what conclusions they arrive at. That is to say it's a question of whether they do an all-encompassing investigation, or whether it's just a formal one."
According to Chichvarkin, his case is at the nexus of a host of prominent scandals. Writing in Novaya Gazeta in March, Chichvarkin claimed that the reason that police superintendent Denis Yevsyukov went on his shooting rampage in a Moscow supermarket last year was connected to his own case.
Just before his drunken killing spree, Yevsyukov, so goes the version, received a phone call informing him he was being investigated for corruption against Chichvarkin.
Apparently this was the last straw.
Chichvarkin made no mention of this in this week's video, noted Alexei Mukhin, head of the Centre for Political Information, but agreed it was timed to follow the death of Trifonova. "After the death of Magnitsky and Trifonova, a third death would be a fateful blow to the president's credentials as a liberal," said Mukhin.
Recently two exiled businessmen, Mikhail Gutseriyev and Telman Ismailov, have returned to Russia, but both on Putin's orders.
Rehabilitating Chichvarkin would help Medvedev to salvage his liberal reputation, which has been undermined by the Mikhail Khodorkovsky case. But doing so is far from easy because Chichvarkin has become even more "persona non grata" after he named the various officials implicated in hostile takeovers, meaning that Medvedev would have to personally take him under his wing, said Mukhin.
"The moment of truth has arrived for Medvedev. If he really does want to [stand] in 2012, then he has to take up Chichvarkin's offer. This will be a very elucidating step for the whole country: it will reveal Medvedev's political orientation."
Sunday, 25 April 2010
Lukashenko rebukes Kremlin for military bases
President Alexander Lukashenko said Sunday that Russia pays "zero rubles, zero kopecks" for two using two bases outside the Belarusian capital, Minsk.
One of the bases is part of Russia's ballistic missile early warning system. The other provides communications with Russian submarines in the Atlantic.
Lukashenko was indignant about last week's agreement between Russia and Ukraine that allowed Moscow to extend its lease of Ukrainian port in return for discounts for natural gas.
Lukashenko also said he might cancel his participation in a summit of a Moscow-dominated security alliance later this month.
Sunday, 31 January 2010
Kremlin Security Scare
The man, whom police identified only as Bakhtiyar from Dagestan, was sent for psychiatric tests.
Saturday, 5 September 2009
Putin Tells Kudrin No Loan From IMF
Kudrin said the country had the right to borrow as much as $8.8 billion at discounted rates in the form of IMF’s Special Drawing Rights.
Special Drawing Rights, or SDRs, are an international reserve asset created by the IMF in 1969 to supplement the existing official reserves of member countries. At a G20 meeting in London in April, the group authorized the IMF to issue an extra $250 billion of the instruments to fast-track lending to developing countries.
“Do we need these loans?” Putin interjected.
“This is our reserve position in case of another crisis or situation in which we need to ensure the stability of Russia’s balance of payments,” Kudrin responded.
Putin interrupted him, and in a rare outburst directed at the finance minister said, “Alexei Leonidovich, can you hear what I’m asking? Do we need this money or not?”
Kudrin rushed to explain that he had consulted with the Economic Development Ministry and decided that there was no necessity to use the SDRs, as Russia already has significant currency reserves and sufficient market access to loans and that the country is trying to reduce its deficit anyway. The Central Bank said Thursday that the country’s foreign exchange reserves stood at $409 billion.
Putin also instructed Kudrin not to participate in financing any SDRs, as the country already has other financial commitments. Instead, he said, Russia must use its influence within the fund to encourage more lending to the Commonwealth of Independent States.
Russia, which currently holds 47 percent of its reserves in dollars, has, along with China, persistently criticized the dollar’s status as the dominant global reserve currency and advocated using SDRs as a potential alternative.
Tuesday, 17 March 2009
Fridman Touts Alfa To Kremlin
Thursday, 19 February 2009
Kremlin Unveils List of 100 Potential Leaders
Sergei Naryshkin, head of the presidential administration, said a total of 1,211 candidates had been nominated for the Golden 1,000 and that the final list would be compiled by March 1.The candidates were nominated by 170 "famous and authoritative people" whose identifies will not be disclosed, Naryshkin said, Interfax reported.The candidate must display "success, management abilities, strategic thinking, professionalism and public acclaim" and cannot have a criminal record, Naryshkin said. A further 21,000 people have been nominated for lists to fill lower regional posts, he said, Interfax reported.The first 100 candidates -- whose names were published on the Kremlin web site www.kremlin.ru/articles/kadry.shtml -- were divided into four categories: federal officials; regional officials; businesspeople; and representatives of the sciences, academia and public organizations.Andrei Volkov, dean of the Moscow School of Management Skolkovo, said he was flattered to be asked to appear on the education list."I made no effort, and I am pleased that several experts considered me a qualified specialist," he said.Volkov said he would consider switching jobs if asked by the Kremlin. "I have a very interesting job, but there can be different situations in life and I wouldn't say no to anything."The list of federal officials includes four State Duma deputies, three of whom are members of United Russia, the party headed by Putin. The other Duma deputy, Oleg Denisenko, is a Communist. There are no representatives of other parties, The list of regional officials includes two deputy governors, both of whom are United Russia members, and three mayors."Medvedev is showing that he wants to find support in the social group that might be described as the liberal-minded bureaucracy," said Alexei Makarkin, an analyst with the Center for Political Technologies.The list gives some businessmen, regional managers and middle managers the chance to "raise their status," Makarkin said.The list allows qualified specialists to "get to know each other and each other's capabilities," said Sergei Guriyev, rector of the New Economic School, who is on the education list. "When a state project, such as a ministry, is created, this means they can collect a critical mass of team members."Communist youth coordinator and former Duma Deputy Darya Mitina called the candidates who are under 35 "pathetic" in her LiveJournal blog Tuesday. The two youngest candidates on the list are 26 years old.Being included on the list means "new opportunities," said Nikolai Nikiforov, director general of the Center of Information Technology of Tatarstan, a state agency. He said an offer of another government position would be "a great honor.""I got a call from the presidential administration asking whether I minded being on the list," said Vladimir Nazarov, an academic at the Institute for the Economy in Transition. "Would you refuse if you were me?" But Nazarov conceded he might not be ready for a top government post. "If I was told to head the Magadan region, I could hardly do it because I've never been a governor."
Monday, 2 February 2009
A Candle in Moscow
Saturday, 31 January 2009
Shuvalov: Tycoons Won't All Get Help
Friday, 30 January 2009
Budget Deficit Could Drain Much of Stabilization Fund
Will The Real Gazprom CEO Please Stand Up
Both gas prices and transit tariffs are market-related and based on clear principles without shady intermediaries or arbitrariness. The gas prices will probably average $230 per 1,000 cubic meters in 2009, while investment bankers had expected $250.Prime Minister Vladimir Putin claimed that Ukraine had an obligation to guarantee transit of Russia's gas since Kiev ratified the Energy Charter Treaty (which Moscow has not ratified).Putin lamented that the "European Union is placing Russia and Ukraine in the same category," but the supplier in this transaction is also obligated to deliver. Vedomosti perhaps put it best: "Gazprom's reliability as a supplier is inseparable from Ukraine's as a transit state."Corruption and Ukrainian domestic politics were major factors in a conflict in which the prime antagonists were Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko and Dmitry Firtash, partial owner of the shady intermediary RosUkrEnergo.Both Tymoshenko and Putin claim that RosUkrEnergo through Ukrainian President Viktor Yushchenko's administration disrupted the gas negotiations on Dec. 31.Tymoshenko walked away from this conflict with an outstanding victory. RosUkrEnergo has been excluded from the Russian-Ukrainian gas trade, losing profits of at least $1 billion a year.At his news conference on Jan. 8, Putin implausibly denied that he knew Firtash, although both were co-founders of RosUkrEnergo in July 2004. Subsequently, Gazprom sold RosUkrEnergo's debt of $1.7 billion to Naftogaz, allowing Naftogaz to squeeze Firtash out."Finally, we eliminated a big political slush fund, which fed several political forces," Tymoshenko said. Firtash has spent lavishly on Ukrainian politics, mainly on former Prime Minister Viktor Yanukovych's Party of the Regions but also on Yushchenko's administration.The elimination of RosUkrEnergo will cleanse Ukrainian politics of gas money. Although Yanukovych has sensibly kept a low profile, his campaign financing will most likely dwindle in the end.Gazprom's cost in the gas war was very high. Its direct financial loss was about $2 billion, but its reputation has suffered even more since the gas monopoly has proven itself an unreliable supplier.Its customers will try to reduce their dependence on the state-run gas monopoly, but when Gazprom is the problem new pipelines are of little help.Before the conflict broke out, Gazprom opened a web site that criticized Ukraine. This suggests that Moscow was gearing up for a fight. Gazprom and Putin pulled no punches in going after Kiev. "The current situation shows a high degree of criminalization of power in Ukraine," Putin said.During the January 2006 Russia-Ukraine gas conflict, Gazprom's stock price skyrocketed because investors were impressed when the company pushed for higher export prices at a time of rising energy prices.During the latest gas war, however, Gazprom's stocks plummeted as investors objected when the company treating its customers recklessly by demanding unrealistically high prices at a time of sharply falling energy prices.Meanwhile, European gas consumers suffered considerably, and the European Union looked terribly weak, having failed to learn anything from previous gas wars.But one European politician stands out as a true leader -- German Chancellor Angela Merkel. During Putin's news conference with Merkel on Jan. 16 in Berlin, Merkel lectured him like a teacher to a schoolboy, placing the responsibility on Moscow, and Putin ate his teacher's humble pie.Austria, France, Hungary, Germany and Italy have quietly built up gas reserves that could last for three months; they have learned the lesson from 2006.Now, other European countries are likely to build up large reserves and further diversify their energy supplies, although this is very expensive.Putin has the most complex motivation in all of this. By directly commanding Gazprom and taking over the negotiations, Putin confirmed the old assumption that he is the real CEO of Gazprom.Although Ukraine had paid its gas bills by Dec. 30, Putin ordered the disruption in the gas supply, making him the main culprit.Gazprom's damaged reputation will likely impair its stock price and debt rating. The conflict was also a disaster for Russia's foreign policy. President Dmitry Medvedev's hastily arranged "gas summit" attracted no heads of state and was the largest snub to Russian diplomacy in recent memory.Putin has been identified as one of RosUkr-Energo's main beneficiaries, but now he has accepted the fact that this middleman will have to be eliminated from gas transactions. Moreover, he looked panicky when he lost himself in technical details, accusing Ukraine of "theft" of tiny gas volumes, far smaller than customary losses.In the end, the gas war had to be settled by Russian and Ukrainian prime ministers. The press photos showed a strident Ukrainian prime minister, while Putin looked increasingly frustrated.So why did Putin instigate the gas war in the first place? My suspicion is that his main purpose was to whip up Russian patriotism against Ukraine and enhance support for the government in a time of economic decline. This was perhaps his only success.According to the state-run pollster VTsIOM, 63 percent of Russians believed that Ukraine was solely responsible for the conflict.Another suspicion is that Putin hoped to destabilize Ukraine by exploiting its domestic divisions and its severe financial crisis. If this were his goal, he failed. Tymoshenko had little choice except to liquidate RosUkrEnergo since it was an issue of her political survival.After Putin and Tymoshenko signed the gas peace treaty, Ukraine has eliminated a major source of corruption. Now it should reform its distorted energy sector to improve efficiency and save energy.Ukraine must stop subsidizing its imports of gas, and it should also raise the government's purchasing price for domestically produced gas to stimulate domestic production.And the EU should get more serious about its own energy security. Whatever Putin's motive was, he is likely to offer more shocks as the situation grows worse for both Russia and Putin in a deepening economic crisis. The EU must realize that it needs a Russia policy no less than it requires an energy policy.Only two winners are apparent -- Tymoshenko and Merkel.There are many losers: Firtash, European gas consumers, Gazprom, its shareholders, Yushchenko and, last but not least, Putin.
Slain Moscow Reporter Buried In Sevastopol

Thursday, 22 January 2009
Regions Ordered to Create Jobs
Medvedev Looks to Fill Senior Posts
"President Dmitry Medvedev said Wednesday that a final list of the country’s top 1,000 managers, which the Kremlin is compiling to help fill senior government posts, has been completed and will be made available to the public."
