Saturday 31 March 2012

Ukraine Rape Victim buried

KIEV  - Civic activists in Ukraine called for a full criminal investigation into the death of an 18-year-old rape victim, buried on Saturday, whose case has re-ignited a national debate on corruption in the ex-Soviet republic's justice system.
Oksana Makar died on Thursday from injuries sustained when she was gang-raped, half-strangled and set on fire in an attack by three young men on March 9 in a southern provincial town.
Hundreds of people took to the streets in Mykolayiv after news leaked out that police had released two of the three suspected attackers, apparently because their parents had political connections in the region.
The two men were re-arrested and police disciplined after the intervention of President Viktor Yanukovich who sent an investigating team to the town.
Prior to her death, the three suspects had all been charged with rape and one of them additionally with attempted murder. The Segodnya newspaper website quoted a senior Interior Ministry official on Saturday as saying they would all now be charged with murder.
Makar was buried in her home village of Luch near Mikolayiv in a white coffin and wearing a white wedding dress, a Ukrainian tradition in the case of the death of a young unmarried woman.
The case has thrown a focus on the weak state of the justice system in the ex-Soviet republic where the well-connected and wealthy and their families appear able to escape prosecution for wrongdoing, by giving bribes or applying political pressure on police, prosecutors and judges.
Ukrainian media regularly report cases of children of the country's elite, who are known as "mazhory", escaping punishment from traffic offences, or from more serious crimes including causing fatal road accidents while at the wheel.
A regional civic activist, Yuri Krutsylov, said on Saturday after the funeral that people in the region would monitor the prosecution of the three accused closely.
"We have lawyers. We are working with them and we will personally monitor this affair," he said.
"If it is not transparent and done correctly we are ready to come out (on to the streets) and give a reminder that we are following things," he told 5th channel TV.
The victim's mother, Tatyana Sirovitskaya, told Segodnya newspaper website on Friday: "My daughter has died. But she has jolted Ukraine. I hope now that just half of the bastards who do terrible and shocking things will be punished and will not be able to buy their way out."
Local media say Makar met two of the three accused in a local bar on March 9 and after spending some time there with them, went to the apartment of the third.
The reports say she was raped and one of the suspected attackers tried to strangle her with a cord. They subsequently wrapped her in a blanket, took her to a pit on a building site and tried to set her body on fire before escaping.
She was found by a passing motorist and taken to hospital with serious burns. She had both feet and an arm amputated in surgery before she eventually died,

Thursday 29 March 2012

Ukraine rape scandal victim Oksana Makar dies



An eighteen-year-old Ukrainian woman has died in hospital, weeks after a brutal sexual assault that prompted a campaign against political corruption.
Oksana Makar was attacked in the southern city of Mykolayiv on 8 March by three men who raped her and tried to strangle her before setting her alight.
Three men were arrested, but two - whose parents had political connections - were released without charge.
They have since been re-arrested, after the case prompted a national outcry.
Interior ministry spokesman Volodymyr Polischuk told a news conference on Thursday that all three men, aged 22 to 24, now faced charges of rape and murder. He said they could face life sentences in jail.
Ms Makar lost consciousness after her attackers abandoned her at a construction site and set fire to her.
She was eventually found the next morning by a stranger and taken to hospital in Mykolayiv with 55% burns.
She was transferred to a specialist unit in the eastern city of Donetsk because of the severity of her burns and damage to her lungs.
Doctors at the hospital's burns centre said her heart had stopped because of bleeding in her lungs and she died after repeated attempts to resuscitate her.
Interior Minister Vitaly Zakharchenko has stated that the parents of two of the suspects are former government officials in the Mykolayiv area.
Ukrainian media have shown footage of one of the three suspects describing to police how Ms Makar was attacked in a flat in the city and then wrapped in a blanket and left in a pit.
The victim's mother posted a video of her lying in her hospital bed, in which some of her appalling injuries were visible.
The Kiev Post described the attack as "one of Ukraine's most heinous crimes in recent years".
There have been several protests in Mykolayiv and elsewhere in Ukraine, including Odessa, Lviv and Kharkiv.
The case has led to the Communist Party, which is part of the ruling coalition in parliament, to highlight its call for a return to the death penalty.

Saturday 24 March 2012

Ukrainian Woman's Rape Stirs Public 'Vendetta'

KIEV, Ukraine -- On March 10, a passer-by in the Southern Ukrainian city of Mykolaiv, population 500,000, heard faint moaning from a construction site and alerted a cop.
The policeman climbed through a hole in the fence and found a sight he is likely never to forget: a naked girl somebody had tried to burn alive.

Oksana Makar, 18, was barely hanging on to life: Doctors later estimated that her burns affected 55 percent of her body.

She had also been raped and half-strangled.

Police acted quickly, and three suspects, all local men in their early 20s, were apprehended the next day.

Among them was Maxim Prisyazhnyuk, the adopted son of a local government official.

The police apparently let him go, along with another one of the young men.

But news spread quickly, and in a matter of hours, the entire city, a center of the sagging Ukrainian shipbuilding industry, seemed up in arms.

The suspects were promptly taken into custody again -- now they needed protection from an angry mob.

A local website, Novosti N, leaked a police video of one of the men, Yevgeny Krasnoshchok, giving matter-of-fact testimony on how the three of them took Makar home, got her drunk, took turns with her, and then tried to strangle her and dispose of what they believed was a dead body.

The video was watched 40,000 times on the local site and 300,000 times on YouTube.

On March 15, about 2,000 people -- an enormous crowd by Mykolaiv standards -- gathered in the city's main square, demanding justice for the rapists and threatening to lynch them.

Pickets and rallies were held in the nation's other cities, from Lviv in Western Ukraine to Kharkiv in the east.
On social networks, a drive to collect money for Makar's treatment quickly gathered momentum, producing a hefty sum of 1.5 million hryvnyas ($187,500) in less than a week -- probably the most successful crowd-funding effort in Ukrainian history.

Crimes of this kind aren't exactly rare in Ukraine's depressed industrial areas.

But the rape and attempted murder of Makar became a national issue because of one of the rapists' ties to the ruling elite.

Prisyazhnyuk, apart from being the son of an official, was reported to be a former member of the governing Regions Party's youth wing.

In recent years, Ukraine has watched in dismay as members of the nation's “golden youth” have gotten away with highly public criminal acts.

One of them was Sergei Demishkan, the son of the top official at the national highway agency, who received a suspended five-year sentence for brutally killing a businessman.

Roman Landik, the son of an influential Regions Party legislator, was captured on camera beating up a woman in a restaurant -- and also escaped with a suspended sentence.

The children of local officials, judges and prosecutors -- "mazhory," as they are collectively known -- have walked free after causing fatal car accidents.

Many Ukrainians saw the Mykolaiv situation as a last straw.

Odessa politician Alexey Goncharenko wrote in his blog:

The beasts who let off two of the three rapists and murderers … are the real criminals in this situation as far as I am concerned ...

In the past 20 years the law-enforcement agencies and courts, society's immune system, have found themselves in a sorry state.

They have been afflicted with the viruses of corruption, indifference and impunity.
Ukrainian political commentator Andrei Okara warned of a possible “vendetta against the government” if more cases like that surface.

“Every time the children of officials are declared innocent and the blame is put on the victims,” Okara said.

“This is a powerful detonator of public anger and discontent which can create grounds for a revolutionary situation in Ukraine.”

The public outcry has caused the nation's top officials, including President Viktor Yanukovich, to declare their personal interest in the Makar case.

Ukraine's richest man -- the metals tycoon and Yanukovich supporter Renat Akhmetov -- helped transfer Makar to the Donetsk burn center, a modern medical institution with an international reputation, and paid for a Swiss surgeon to come over to operate on her.

Despite an initial prognosis that gave Makar a 0.5 percent chance of survival, she is still alive.

Her right arm has been amputated and she is not likely to have the use of her legs if she does recover.

In another widely watched video, Makar says she hopes her assailants get raped in jail.

Sympathy for her is still widespread in Ukraine -- but less so since March 19, when "Let Them Speak," a Russian tabloid TV show, interviewed the bartender who saw Makar meet the three men on March 9.

The woman described Makar as a “loose” girl who had frequented the bar, always trying to pick up men and get them to pay for her drinks.

It has also been revealed that Makar's mother had a criminal record.
The tone of many comments in Internet discussions of the case has since changed abruptly.

“I just don't understand why a slut is being made out to be an innocent victim,” a Mykolaiv woman commented on Novosti N recently.

Ukraine is a highly traditional society, and it is not a universally held view that a rape is entirely the rapist's fault.

Many people tend to attach equal blame to the victim.

Makar's alleged character flaws make her a less credible cause celebrate.

There are no more rallies in Makar's support.

Moreover, the authorities who have enjoyed, along with their children, a culture of immunity, may yet turn the situation to their advantage, switching public attention from the crimes of the mazhory to calls for tougher laws.

Or there is another possible outcome.

The Communist faction in parliament has used the Mykolaiv case to advance a bill reintroducing the death sentence, abolished when Ukraine joined the Council of Europe in 1995.

Last year, polls showed 45 percent of the nation backing such a measure, and the case of Makar may just drive that number higher.

If that happens, the ruling Regions Party could easily jump on the bandwagon and push through the legislation.

Ukraine’s Party of Regions Uses Populist Promises, Acquires New Allies To Win Election

KIEV, Ukraine -- Opinion polls show that although the ruling Party of Regions (PRU) remains the most popular party, it may lose the parliamentary election scheduled for October 28 to the combined forces of the opposition.
Economic growth has slowed considerably of late so the ruling party cannot boast of a strong economy ahead of the election.

Neither has the government managed to improve relations with Russia and the European Union, as PRU leader Viktor Yanukovych promised when he was elected president two years ago.

Consequently, there is not much left Yanukovych can do to improve the party’s standing in the seven months remaining before the election.

The PRU has made it clear that it will bet on populism and the elimination of rivals through enrolling them in the PRU.

Yanukovych has already promised handouts to the poorest strata so his economic team is racking its brains to find the $2 billion needed for higher pensions, low mortgage rates and compensations to the depositors of the defunct Soviet state savings bank.

Yanukovych’s economy adviser, Iryna Akimova, conceded recently that his social initiatives might cost even more than that while, for the moment, no more than $1.4 billion can be guaranteed.

She suggested more could be raised from selling mineral extraction licenses and increasing personal income tax rate for the rich to 20 percent from the current 17 percent.

Like in all of its previous election campaigns, the PRU will play the Russian language card.

Speaking in an interview ahead of his visit to Moscow, excerpts from which were published by the Russian news agency ITAR-TASS on March 18, Yanukovych said Ukraine’s bilingual population was in favor of giving an official status to Russian.

Several media outlets interpreted that as Yanukovych’s intention to give Russian the status of an official language on par with Ukrainian.
However, he meant giving Russian the status of a regional language for areas where more than 10 percent of the population regards Russian as their mother tongue.

In order to pass a law on this, Yanukovych will need only a simple majority of votes in the 450-seat unicameral legislature, which is dominated by the PRU.

A state language status for Russian would require two-thirds of the votes in order to change the constitution.

Considerably more than half of Ukrainians speak Russian fluently, around one third prefer Russian in everyday communication, and most newspapers come out in Russian.

Yet, Russian has no official status in Ukraine.

A recent opinion poll by the Kiev International Institute of Sociology has shown that 47 percent of Ukrainians are in favor of giving some status to Russian.

The PRU’s traditional strongholds in eastern and southern Ukraine are Russophone, so the PRU naturally plays the language card in all elections.

However, the PRU hardly does anything to raise the status of Russian once each election campaign is over, as Yanukovych’s bitter rival, Yulia Tymoshenko, sarcastically remarked on her website.

Most recently, the PRU has gotten rid of a potentially strong rival party.

Deputy Prime Minister Serhy Tyhypko disbanded his liberal party Strong Ukraine (SU), called on its members to join the PRU and did so himself at the PRU congress on March 17.

Tyhypko was elected deputy to the party’s chairman, Mykola Azarov, who is also the prime minister.
It has been rumored that Tyhypko, who came in third after Yanukovych and Tymoshenko in the 2010 presidential election with 13 percent of the vote, may eventually replace Azarov in both positions.

Tyhypko himself told journalists at the congress that he would not mind becoming the PRU leader.

Thanks to taking over SU, the PRU may gain additional percentage points in the October parliamentary election.

The popular approval rating of SU, which targeted the nascent middle class, has been hovering around 3-4 percent during the past several months, compared to the PRU’s 14-18 percent.

The PRU will not stop at enrolling Tyhypko and his people.

Two more small parties are expected to merge with the PRU soon said deputy ideology chief, Volodymyr Demydko, on the sidelines of the PRU congress.

He added that the PRU’s strategy was to attract bright personalities who could be small party leaders while not necessarily taking over whole parties.

Emergencies Minister Viktor Baloha, who chairs United Center, a small party that used to be in the camp of former President Viktor Yushchenko, has not ruled out that his party could one day merge with the PRU.

Oleksandr Sin, the mayor of the large industrial town of Zaporizhya, which is one of the PRU’s strongholds, announced most recently that he would join the PRU.

Sin was elected mayor in 2010 as a candidate from Tymoshenko’s Fatherland party.

He left Fatherland only a month after that.

Ukraine, Russia Leaders To Talk Gas In May

KIEV, Ukraine -- Ukraine hopes to work out a new deal on the supplies of Russian gas by late May, after Russian president elect Vladimir Putin assumes power, Ukrainian President Viktor Yanukovich said on Thursday.

Yanukovich's government has sought for more than a year to negotiate a lower price on Russian gas but talks have produced no results so far.

Kiev, which is paying $416 per thousand cubic metres, sees a fairer price at $250.

"Expert groups are working right now, and we hope by the end of May, by the last decade of May, an acceptable solution will be found that we will discuss with... Putin," UNIAN news agency quoted Yanukovich as saying on a trip to the south-eastern city of Zaporizhya.

Yanukovich, who met Putin in Moscow this week said he also planned to meet the Russian prime minister in mid-April, before his May 7 inauguration as president.

Ukraine's government says the high price of imported gas is a drag on the country's economy and state budget.

Ukraine heavily subsidises gas supplies to households and heating companies.

Rating agency Standard and Poor's downgraded its outlook on Ukraine's credit ratings to negative citing, among other factors, the "lack of clarity over the ultimate direction of government policy" with regards to gas talks with Russia.

Russia has long insisted it would review the price only if its giant gas company Gazprom was allowed to take over Ukrainian gas transit pipelines or if Ukraine joined a Russia-led Customs Union.

Kiev has so far dismissed both options.

However, Yanukovich is now under political pressure to deliver a solution to the gas issue as his Party of the Regions has been slipping in opinion polls ahead of the October parliament elections.

Previous price disputes between the two nations have led to disruptions of Gazprom's supplies to Europe through Ukraine's territory, prompting Russia to create alternative export routes that bypass Ukraine.

NBU Cuts Discount Rate By 25 Basis Points

KIEV, Ukraine -- The National Bank of Ukraine on Thursday cut its key interest rate, responding to slowing consumer inflation and seeking to boost economic expansion as the country faces financial challenges.
The NBU cut the discount rate, the rate at which it lends money to commercial banks, by 25 basis points to 7.5%, in its first action on the rate since August 2010.

The regulator also lowered reserve requirements for commercial banks, making more credit resources available for lending to the real economy.

“Favorable price dynamics create opportunity for taking additional stimulus measures, in particular using interest rate levers, for boosting credit to the real economy,” the NBU said in a statement posted on its Website.

Ukraine’s consumer inflation slowed to an annualized 3% in February from 3.7% in January, and down from 9% in the mid 2011 and 26% in 2008, according to the central bank.
Ukraine’s economic growth is forecast to slow to 3.9% in 2012 from about 5% in 2011, as Ukraine is hit by weakening global demand for steel, its main export.

The rate cut comes after a 18-month period of no action as the NBU has been watching economic developments.

The NBU cut its discount rate three times between June and August 2010, also citing lower inflation and greater influx of hard currency into the country.

The NBU started its rate-cutting cycle on June 8, 2010, lowering the rate to 9.5% from 10.25%, and then cutting the rate again on July 8, 2010 to 8.5% from 9.5%.

The NBU said it managed to fend off pressure on the hryvnia, the local currency, by encouraging people to save money in hryvnias rather than in hard currency.

Hryvnia-denominated deposits rose by 3% in February, compared with 1.5% increase for deposits denominated in hard currencies, such as the U.S. dollar and the euro.

People bought $373 million worth of hard currency in February, down from $556 million in January and $740 million in December 2010, after the central bank had introduced administrative restrictions on hard currency purchases.

The restrictions include a requirement for an individual to produce an ID at a commercial bank or an exchange kiosk to report name and address while buying hard currency.

Meanwhile, the government is facing some serious challenges later this year following the suspension of a $15.5 billion loan from the International Monetary Fund, and difficulties in securing economic aid from Russia on acceptable political terms.

Ukrainian Mafia Steps Up To Avenge Rape Victim

MOSCOW, Russia -- Ukrainian mafia leaders have formed an alliance to take retribution on three high-profile men accused of raping, attempting to strangle and burning a young woman alive in the Ukrainian town of Nikolayev,
he leaders reportedly ordered their contacts in every prison in Ukraine to "take care" of the three men and do make them "worse than [the victim]" in revenge for their alleged attack on Oxana Makar.

Makar, 18, remains in critical condition.

Her parents, meanwhile, have been attempting to remind the public of her suffering; her mother recently uploaded a video that shows the girl struggling in pain to form the words "I want to live."

Doctors have said the typical chances of survival for a patient in Makar's state are one in a thousand, but the girl has been fighting to cling to life amid daily surgeries.

The three suspects were initially released after the crime due to “lack of evidence” before Ukrainian President Viktor Yanukovych personally ordered their arrest following a national outcry.

Two of the suspects are sons of Ukrainian officials. Maxim Prisyjnikov, 23, is the son of the regional administrator while Artyon Pogosyan, 21, is the son of the regional prosecutor.

The third suspect is the pair’s friend, 23-year-old Yevgeniy Krasnoshek.

It was claimed that the trio met Makar at a café and invited her to a house party.

They allegedly raped Makar after taking her home; after becoming aware of the crime they had allegedly committed, the suspects allegedly panicked and strangled Makar with an electrical wire.

The suspects then allegedly set her on fire after waiting some time to make sure she was dead.

Ukrainian Doctors Admit Tymoshenko Needs Hospital Care

KIEV, Ukraine -- Ukrainian doctors have admitted that jailed former Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko is in need of hospital care as her health deteriorates.
Tymoshenko is serving a seven year sentence for abuse of office in a penal colony in Kharkiv, some 500 kilometers from Kiev.

Tymoshenko has accused local doctors of denying her proper treatment and demanded foreign doctors treat her.

Up till now, Ukrainian officials have denied Tymoshenko was ill or being mistreated.

Now, doctors appointed by the government say Tymoshenko needs urgent medical care.

"Now we can talk about the pain syndrome becoming chronic," said Yuri Kotlyarevsky, head neurosurgeon of Kharkiv State Healthcare Department.

"We do not reject this and are ready to carry [out treatment] in a hospital, in a specialised hospital outside the jail, using spiral computer tomography [a type of CT scan]."

Doctors also admitted that the delays in getting Tymoshenko hospital care meant that treatment would be different now.

"They [German doctors] said that yes, maybe in the beginning, in the beginning of the process it would make sense to talk about a surgical intervention."

"Now the situation is different, and they themselves offered this course of therapy which we are talking about today, but it excludes the surgical intervention, and we agreed," explained Mykola Korzh, director of the Ukrainian Institute of Spinal Pathology.

Tymoshenko's relatives and supporters, as well as the European Court of Human Rights, have urged Ukraine's authorities to attend to Tymoshenko's health needs.

Supporters and much of the international community suspect the case against Tymoshenko is politically motivated with the aim of silencing a leading figure of Ukraine's opposition.

However, a majority in Ukraine's parliament voted on March 20 to back a motion accusing Tymoshenko of "high treason" for her role in negotiating a gas contract with Russia in 2009, the grounds for her jailing.

In December, the EU delayed the signing of a major trade agreement with Ukraine due to concerns over the jailing of Tymoshenko.

President Viktor Yanukovych has ignored calls to release Tymoshenko, who is now facing fresh charges dating back to the 1990s when the so-called "gas princess" ran a private natural-gas trading company, United Energy Systems of Ukraine.

Tymoshenko lost to Yanukovych in a tight presidential race in 2010.

Ukraine rape victim searches for justice

he 18-year-old woman, prosecutors say, was gang-raped by three young men, who tried to cover up their crime by strangling her with a cord, wrapping her naked body in a blanket and dumping her at an abandoned construction site — where they set her on fire.
Amazingly, Oksana Makar survived.
But her quest for justice seemed doomed after the police released two of the three suspects whose parents had political connections in the provincial Ukrainian region.
Her case galvanized Ukrainians fed up with the official corruption that allows people with money and connections to avoid punishment, whether for violating traffic laws or more serious crimes. The protection also extends to their children, known here as "mazhory," roughly translated as rich brats.
After a national protest campaign, the police arrested the two released suspects and charged all three with rape. The one who has remained in custody was also charged with attempted murder.
Makar remains hospitalized, with burns over more than half of her body and severe damage to her lungs. Her right arm was amputated to stop the spread of gangrene.
Her mother said she used to be a cheerful young woman with many friends in Mykolaiv, a shipbuilding city of about a half million residents some 500 kilometers (300 miles) south of the capital, Kiev. She liked dancing in clubs, boxing and bungee jumping.
That life ended on March 9 when Makar met two young men at a bar and they invited her to a friend's apartment.
One suspect, identified as Yevhen K., told investigators that he and two friends had sex with Makar repeatedly, including at least one time that he admitted was rape.
A videotape of his interrogation, whose authenticity has been confirmed by authorities, was shown on Ukrainian television: "She yelled and swung her arms around and I raped her," said the 23-year-old suspect.
After Makar threatened to call police, the suspect said he first tried to strangle her with his bare hands and then finish her off with a piece of white cable he found in the apartment. She lost consciousness.
The suspect said he and his friends wrapped Makar's naked body in a blanket and dumped it into a pit at a deserted construction site. He said he then dropped a pillow case into the pit and set it on fire.
Afterward, he said, they went home and changed into new clothes. They bought vodka at a store and went to a food stand, where one suspect ordered tea and the other a beer.
"We sat down, had a smoke and then went our own ways," said Yevhen K., the suspect accused of attempted murder as well as rape.
Makar was saved when a passing car happened to stall right next to the construction site. The three suspects were soon arrested, and two set free.
Interior Minister Vitaly Zakharchenko has confirmed that the parents of two of the suspects are former government officials in the Mykolaiv region. Makar's mother, Tetyana Surovitska, accused police of freeing them because of their parents' connections.
"Where is justice?" Surovitska said in an interview with a local television channel. "Is it because I don't have cars and apartments and connections and I cannot turn to anyone?"
She received overwhelming support not only in Mykolaiv but across the country from people tired of seeing government officials and their children go unpunished for violent crimes, including assault and deadly road accidents.
There have been dozens of cases of "mazhory" driving expensive cars while drunk and hitting pedestrians, sometimes killing them, and walking away, said political analyst Volodymyr Fesenko. The same thing often happens in Russia and other countries of the former Soviet Union.
"Unfortunately, this situation is typical of most post-Soviet countries when either connections or corruption is used: A high-ranking official makes a call or money is paid to a senior police official, and a person who committed a serious crime is set free," Fesenko said.
"The Ukrainian justice system is dependent on those with power and money."
Makar's case clearly hit a nerve among Ukrainians, setting off several protests in Mykolaiv and elsewhere.
During one rally in Mykolaiv, dozens of activists protested outside the offices of prosecutors and police, demanding that they punish the perpetrators of the rape as well as the officers who released the two suspects.
Protests, organized on social networking sites, were also held in the Black Sea port of Odessa and the eastern city of Kharkiv. In Kiev, five members of the women's rights group Femen, which stages topless protests, bared their chests on top of the entrance to the Prosecutor General's Office and held banners reading "Death to the Sadists" and "Execute the Bastards."
Meanwhile, dozens of Mykolaiv residents rushed to donate blood for Makar and sympathizers from across the country sent donations to her mother. Makar is in a hospital in the eastern city of Donetsk, where she was operated on this week by a burn specialist from Switzerland. She remains in grave condition.
The Prosecutor General's Office is investigating Surovitska's claims that the suspects were released illegally.
President Viktor Yanukovych is also looking into the case.
To Surovitska, the high-level interest is little consolation as she cares for her only daughter.
"She loved life so much, but they destroyed her body, her soul and her spirit," Surovitska said in a phone interview. "They destroyed my child."

Sunday 18 March 2012

European Parliament demands perfect democracy from Russia

The European Parliament adopted an ambiguous resolution on the presidential elections in Russia. The resolution serves two masters, as they say. On the one hand, the European Parliament described the electoral process in Russia as "not free and unfair." On the other hand, the parliament is optimistic about the future and the further dialogue with Russia.

However, Russia could expect nothing else from Strasburg, which has been trying to put pressure on Moscow over its stance on Syria. Practically all world leaders - from Merkel and Cameron to Obama - congratulated Vladimir Putin on his victory.

The European officials particularly believe that the Russian voters had been given a "limited choice," because the Central Electoral Commission refused to register the candidate of Yabloko party, Grigory Yavlinsky. The Commission denied registration to Yavlinsky after it had rejected, about 25% of signature sheets in his support (that were actually photocopies).

European MPs called on the Russian authorities to "thoroughly and openly" investigate the violations, which observers, including OSCE/ODIHR representatives, pointed out. However, the MPs called upon themselves to look into the future, rather than the past. The European deputies also stated that the European Union was determined to continue the development of the strategic partnership with Russia.
The European resolution pleased the co-chairman of People's Freedom Party (known for the Russian initials as PARNAS), Mikhail Kasyanov. Upon his return from Strasbourg, the politician told Interfax that he was "satisfied with the fact that European politicians open their eyes wider to the deteriorating situation with human rights and political freedoms in Russia. This political assessment coincides with both my position and that of PARNAS," the opposition politician stated. It appears that Mr. Kasyanov has decided to ignore the other side of the story.

The Executive Director of the Russian Foundation for Free Elections, Igor Bogdanov, expressed his opinion about the European resolution in an interview with Pravda.Ru. According to him, "the Russians elected their new president in a unique, well-organized and well-conducted election." "It was unique because so many web-cameras have never been used at poll stations anywhere in the world before," he added.

According to the expert, the presidential election campaign had certain violations and drawbacks. "But it's a natural process that accompanies any election campaign," said Bogdanov. "Assessing any campaign in Europe or in the U.S., one can find even a larger number of drawbacks," he said. "And it is not objective to question the election, which took place in our country, especially if it is being done by the people, who have never been here, but who instead listen those who scream and shout about mass violations," says Bogdanov.

A recent poll conducted by the All-Russian Public Opinion Center showed that only a third of respondents admitted "minor fraud" which did not eventually affect the outcome of the vote (34%). Those who do not believe in the announced victory of Vladimir Putin are in the minority (14%). Moreover, according to sociologists, only 2 percent of respondents said that they had noticed violations with their own eyes. On the whole, 78 percent of voters do not doubt the legitimacy of the elected president.
The head of the Russian Public Institute of the Electoral Law, Igor Borisov, said that the European Parliament resolution "had nothing to do with reality." "Official representatives of the European Parliament (it goes about the delegation), were not observing the elections in Russia. They make their statements from the words of Russian politicians - the losers, who reside in Europe and who constantly tell some sort of horrible things about the Russian elections," Borisov told Pravda.Ru.

"We had five European MPs working at the independent group of international observers. They were present here and could personally observe all of the voting and counting procedures," Igor Borisov added. "All of them highly estimated the voting process and the counting of votes. Moreover, they recommended to use some elements of the electoral system for the elections to the European Parliament. I would like to see the transparency of the procedures, through which the European Parliament is formed," concluded the expert.

Indeed, one may assume that the elections in the EU or in the United States are perfect in contrast to the "dirty Russia." In France, for example, the candidate of the National Front far-right party, Marine Le Pen, did not have the right to participate in the presidential campaign just before March 15. And all of her appeals to the Constitutional Court were wasted. In Estonia and Latvia, the so-called non-citizens have no voting rights at all.

Do we need to say anything about the manipulations with voting lists or about the use of administrative resources in the United States? Democrats still accuse Florida governor Jeb Bush of giving decisive help to his brother during the presidential campaign in 2000.

There are no perfect democracy role models. However, the European Parliament does not want to understand that.

Russians come to Tokyo for new iPads

As with most Apple gadget launches, there are sure to be early morning crowds outside the company's big city stores Friday - but not everyone will be there to buy a new iPad.
At Apple stores in New York, San Francisco and Washington, dozens of protesters are expected to show up for the 8 a.m. launch of the company's third-generation tablet computer, stepping into the iPad's limelight to bring attention to concerns about the welfare of the Chinese factory workers who churn out the devices to satisfy a growing global demand,

Eutelsat Cuts Satellite Deal With Ukraine, Buys Access To Brazilian Slot

Even as it struggles to resolve orbital-access issues at 26 degrees east longitude with Saudi Arabia and Iran, satellite fleet operator Eutelsat has reached an agreement with Ukraine to develop the 48 degrees east slot and is confident of finding an equitable compromise on a separate Iranian satellite system at 34 degrees east, Eutelsat Chief Executive Michel de Rosen said.
The Paris-based operator is expanding westward as well.

Eutelsat has won an auction sponsored by Brazil’s Anatel telecommunications authority for the rights to a Brazilian orbital position.

Industry officials said the Brazilian slot is at 65 degrees west and that Eutelsat plans to develop it for Ka-band broadband applications.

In a briefing with reporters March 14 here at the Satellite 2012 conference, de Rosen declined to discuss the auction beyond saying Eutelsat won it for “quite an attractive price.”

“We are not ready, today, to tell you how we plan to use this,” de Rosen said of the Brazilian slot.

Eutelsat, which is the world’s third-biggest satellite fleet operator measured by revenue, had been negotiating with the government of Ukraine over access to frequencies around 36 degrees east.

Ukraine had proposed to put its first telecommunications satellite, called Lybid, near that position.

Eutelsat protested that its two spacecraft already at 36 degrees east had regulatory priority.

Ukraine’s national space agency, which is managing the Lybid project, was forced to suspend its $254 million contract with MDA Corp. of Canada for the satellite’s development.

MDA Corp. officials told investors Feb. 28 that the Lybid contract, which was financed in part by Canada’s export-credit agency, Export Development Canada, is now back on track following a resolution of the frequency coordination issues.

De Rosen said Eutelsat and Ukraine will cooperate in the development of the 48 degrees east orbital position.

Eutelsat has two spacecraft at that slot now, one in inclined orbit and nearing retirement, the other a small satellite that suffered a partial failure of its power system and has never generated much revenue for Eutelsat.
We learned one day that Ukraine had this satellite program and that they had underestimated that the program might cause problems for us at 36 degrees,” de Rosen said.

“It could have become a lose-lose situation. We have now discussed with them and it will be a win-win situation.”

Eutelsat Chief Commercial Officer Andrew Wallace said during the briefing that the compromise with Ukraine “will ensure that what we do with Russia at 36 degrees will be clear for Russia and for the large Russian-speaking population of Ukraine, and it gives extra momentum to the development of 48 degrees.”

Eutelsat’s issue with Iran over the 34 degrees east slot, meanwhile, stems from the recent decision by international frequency regulators attending the World Radiocommunication Conference (WRC) to reinstate Iran’s Zohreh-1 satellite system into a global registry of approved satellite networks.

In what several WRC delegates admitted was a contradiction, the recently concluded meeting also endorsed an earlier decision by the International Telecommunication Union (ITU) to expel Zohreh-1 from the list because it had missed deadlines for starting service.

If Iran places a Zohreh-1 satellite at its designed slot at 34 degrees east, it will be close enough to a Eutelsat spacecraft to force the two sides into close coordination discussions to avoid frequency interference.

“We believe that the WRC decision was more a political position than one based on technical aspects,” de Rosen said.

“We will now need the help of the ITU to make sure that the presence of an Iranian satellite there does not cause interference. I believe that, with an enormous amount of goodwill on all sides, we can achieve this result.”

Ukraine: Running Short Of Funds

KIEV, Ukraine -- Ukrainian president Viktor Yanukovich is off to Moscow next week in his latest effort to secure economic support from his powerful neighbour, with a discount gas supply deal near the top of his list.
It’s a regular trip.

But Kiev’s financial needs are pressing: S&P on Thursday downgraded the credit outlook on Ukraine to “negative” while ministers talked of rescheduling $3bn in debts owed to the International Monetary Fund under a 2008 programme, even as Ukraine’s current programme has been suspended.

No wonder Yanukovich needs Russia.

With Ukraine heading for a balance of payments crunch, S&P’s downgrade came as little surprise.

Ukraine is this year scrambling to cover or rollover nearly $6bn in external and about $3bn in domestic debt obligations.

S&P revised its outlook on long-term foreign currency government bond rating to negative from stable, confirming the rating at B+.

The credit agency said:

"We are revising the outlook on our long-term sovereign ratings on Ukraine to negative, reflecting our opinion that ongoing uncertainty about the Ukraine government’s negotiations with the IMF and Gazprom is increasing refinancing risks."

"In our view, increased risk aversion toward Ukraine’s funding needs has been fuelled by the lack of clarity over the ultimate direction of government policy in relation to ongoing negotiations with the IMF and Russian gas company, OAO Gazprom."

A responsible administration would be working for a resumption of the current $15.5bn IMF programme that was frozen last year due to lack of fiscal reforms.

But instead, Yanukovich has recently announced $3bn in populist pension increases and other social handouts.

It’s an obvious bid to win back voter support before the October parliamentary election.
Alexander Valchyshen, head of research at Kiev-based investment bank ICU, said: “Surely this is pure populism and quite a sizable addition on the expenditures side.”

The added spending could increase the total national budget deficit (including the deficit of state gas company Naftogaz) from 5.2 per cent of GDP in 2011 to 8.5 per cent this year.

That’s a big shift in the wrong direction at a time when other European countries are trying to trim deficits expanding in responding to the 2008 crisis.

But boosting public borrowing doesn’t appear to be troubling Yanukovich, when the number he’s watching closely is his approval rating which has plunged towards single digit percentage levels since he narrowly beat Yulia Tymoshenko in a 2010 presidential contest.

Despite the recent jailing of Tymoshenko on charges widely deemed to be politically-motivated, Yanukovich’s grip on voter support may be weak.

Tymoshenko’s Fatherland party is out-polling his Party of Regions.

But it remains unclear how Yanukovich will fund these social expenditure increases given that he has increasingly alienated the IMF, the European Union ( a potential source of financial aid as well as a trade partner), and Russia.

None of the options are good.

Yanukovich could squeeze more taxes and fines out of businesses, something done in the past.

But this would also hurt him in the polls.

He could borrow on international markets, but it would be expensive.

During his first two years in power, Yanukovich has failed to broker a deal with Russia’s Gazprom that would bring lower gas prices.
Sensing Kiev’s weakness, Gazprom has, in return for cutting prices, demanded control over Ukraine’s strategic gas transit pipeline.

But handing it over could be political suicide.

The IMF wants Ukraine to increase gas prices on households to compensate for the higher prices and bring more transparency to the nation’s murky gas sector.

But such an increase would hurt voter support, and Yanukovich has recently declared prices won’t be raised.

“An increasingly desperate government is looking for other short-term fixes,” London-based Capital Economics wrote in a March 15 note.

Ukrainian officials this week admitted that talks on unfreezing additional IMF billion-dollar loans are at an “impasse.”

But, in a sign of desperation, they said the country would ask the Fund to restructure, or refinance more than $3bn in IMF loan payments that have to be covered this year on previous borrowings.

The IMF and market isn’t likely to agree.

“The IMF is highly unlikely to approve Ukraine’s [recent] request to restructure $3bn of loan repayments due this year, but the fact that the government is even considering such a move demonstrates the extent to which it is running out of options,” said Capital Economics.

With about $30bn in central bank reserves, the immediate risk of default is low.

The public debt-to-GDP is ratio is not high – 38.9 per cent at end-2011.

But populist policies means it is rising rapidly, with 43.5 per cent prospect by the year-end, according to JP Morgan.

External debt redemptions will increase in 2013 and stay high over the follwoing two years.
This is not a sustainable course.

John Demjanjuk, Convicted Death Camp Guard, Dies

John Demjanjuk, a retired U.S. autoworker who was convicted of being a guard at the Nazis' Sobibor death camp despite steadfastly maintaining over three decades of legal battles that he had been mistaken for someone else, died Saturday, his son said.He was 91.
Demjanjuk, convicted in May of 28,060 counts of being an accessory to murder and sentenced to five years in prison, died a free man in a nursing home in the southern Bavarian town of Bad Feilnbach.

He had been released pending his appeal.

John Demjanjuk Jr. said in a telephone interview from Ohio that his father died of natural causes.

Demjanjuk had terminal bone marrow disease, chronic kidney disease and other ailments.
"The court is convinced that the defendant ... served as a guard at Sobibor" from March 27, 1943, until mid-September 1943, Alt said in his ruling.

Israeli Holocaust scholar Yehuda Bauer, who researches at the Yad Vashem memorial, said Demjanjuk's story showed an important moral lesson.

"You don't let people, even if they were only junior staff, get away from responsibility," Bauer said.

Despite his conviction, his family never gave up its battle to have his U.S. citizenship reinstated so that he could live out his final days nearby them in the Cleveland area.

One of their main arguments was that the defense had never seen a 1985 FBI document, uncovered in early 2011 by The Associated Press, calling into question the authenticity of a Nazi ID card used against him.

Demjanjuk maintained that he was a victim of the Nazis himself — first wounded as a Soviet soldier fighting German forces, then captured and held as a prisoner of war under brutal conditions.

"I am again and again an innocent victim of the Germans," he told the panel of Munich state court judges during his 18-month trial, in a statement he signed and that was read aloud by his attorney Ulrich Busch.

He said after the war he was unable to return to his homeland, and that taking him away from his family in the U.S. to stand trial in Germany was a "continuation of the injustice" done to him.

"Germany is responsible for the fact that I have lost for good my whole reason to live, my family, my happiness, any future and hope," he said.

His claims of mistaken identity gained credence after he successfully defended himself against accusations initially brought in 1977 by the U.S. Justice Department that he was "Ivan the Terrible" — a notoriously brutal guard at the Treblinka extermination camp.

In connection with the allegation, he was extradited to Israel from the U.S. in 1986 to stand trial on charges of war crimes and crimes against humanity, convicted and sentenced to death.
But the Israeli Supreme Court in 1993 overturned the verdict on appeal, saying that evidence showed another Ukrainian man was actually "Ivan the Terrible," and ordered him returned to the U.S.

The Israeli judges said, however, they still believed Demjanjuk had served the Nazis, probably at the Trawniki SS training camp and Sobibor.

But they declined to order a new trial, saying there was a risk of violating the law prohibiting trying someone twice on the same evidence.

Demjanjuk returned to his suburban Cleveland home in 1993 and his U.S. citizenship, which had been revoked in 1981, was reinstated in 1998.

Demjanjuk remained under investigation in the U.S., where a judge revoked his citizenship again in 2002 based on Justice Department evidence suggesting he concealed his service at Sobibor.

Appeals failed, and the nation's chief immigration judge ruled in 2005 that Demjanjuk could be deported to Germany, Poland or Ukraine.

Prosecutors in Germany filed charges in 2009, saying Demjanjuk's link to Sobibor and Trawniki was clear, with evidence showing that after he was captured by the Germans he volunteered to serve with the fanatical SS and trained as a camp guard.

Though there are no known witnesses who remember Demjanjuk from Sobibor, prosecutors referred to an SS identity card that they said features a photo of a young, round-faced Demjanjuk and that says he worked at the death camp.

That and other evidence indicating Demjanjuk had served under the SS convinced the panel of judges in Munich, and led to his conviction.

He was ordered tried in Munich because he lived in the area briefly after the war.

It was not yet known whether he would be brought back to the U.S. for burial.

Ukrainian-born Demjanjuk (dehm-YAHN'-yook) had steadfastly denied any involvement in the Nazi Holocaust since the first accusations were levied against him more than 30 years ago.

"My father fell asleep with the Lord as a victim and survivor of Soviet and German brutality since childhood," Demjanjuk Jr. said.

"He loved life, family and humanity. History will show Germany used him as a scapegoat to blame helpless Ukrainian POWs for the deeds of Nazi Germans."

His conviction helped set new German legal precedent, being the first time someone was convicted solely on the basis of serving as a camp guard, with no evidence of being involved in a specific killing.

Presiding Judge Ralph Alt said the evidence showed Demjanjuk was a piece of the Nazis' "machinery of destruction."
Demjanjuk, who was removed by U.S. immigration agents from his home in suburban Cleveland and deported in May 2009, questioned the evidence in the German case, saying the identity card was possibly a Soviet postwar forgery.

He reiterated his contention that after he was captured in Crimea in 1942, he was held prisoner until joining the Vlasov Army — a force of anti-communist Soviet POWs and others formed to fight with the Germans against the Soviets in the final months of the war.

Demjanjuk was born April 3, 1920, in the village of Dubovi Makharintsi in central Ukraine, two years before the country became part of the Soviet Union.

He grew up during a time when the country was wracked by famines that killed millions, and a wave of purges instituted by Stalin to eliminate any possible opposition.

As a young man Demjanjuk worked as a tractor driver for the area's collective farm.

After being called up for the Soviet Red Army, he was wounded in action but sent back to the front after he had recovered, only to be captured during the battle of Kerch Peninsula in May 1942.

After the war, Demjanjuk was sent to a displaced persons camp and worked briefly as a driver for the U.S. Army.

In 1950, he sought U.S. citizenship, claiming to have been a farmer in Sobibor, Poland, during the war.

Demjanjuk later said he lied about his wartime activities to avoid being sent back to Ukraine, then a part of the Soviet Union.

Just to have admitted being in the Vlasov Army would also have been enough to have him barred from emigration to the U.S. or many other countries.

He came to the U.S. on Feb. 9, 1952, and eventually settled in Seven Hills, a middle-class suburb of Cleveland.

He was a mechanic at Ford Motor Co.'s engine plant in the Cleveland suburb of Brook Park and with his wife, Vera, raised three children — son John Jr. and daughters Irene and Lydia.

Ukraine Hires Lobbyist To Influence IMF

KIEV, Ukraine -- The Ukrainian government, facing a deadlock with the International Monetary Fund over resumption of its $15.5 billion loan program, has hired a U.S. lobbyist firm to try to get the money, a newspaper reported Wednesday.
The Washington-based firm, APCO Worldwide, on March 2 circulated a letter among its senior advisors around the globe, including former diplomats and elected officials, seeking assistance in dealing with the IMF.

The letter, apparently sent by Brent Crane, Program Manager at APCO Worldwide, was aimed at helping Ukraine to get around the key IMF demand of hiking natural gas prices for households, something the government has been refusing to do.

“We are looking for persons with strong ties to relevant IMF personnel who could be in the position of querying those personnel about whether there are opportunities for creativity here to avoid the gas price hikes, which still could achieve IMF objectives,” said the letter, which was obtained and published by Ukrayinska Pravda online newspaper.

“We would take that information and discuss it with the government of Ukraine, and try to build bridges between the IMF and Ukraine with the goal of moving beyond what is now a year-long impasse,” the letter said.

The government has earlier hired U.S. law firms to check whether the previous government, led by then Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko, misspent any state money.

But the hiring of APCO comes after many government officials, including Prime Minister Mykola Azarov, have repeatedly said that Ukraine would be able to handle its foreign debts payments even without the IMF money.

The letter, called the ‘Urgent Request,’ mentions that “Finance Minister Valeriy Khoroshkovskiy has been seeking to find ‘compromise’ with the IMF,” but those talks failed.

Khoroshkovskiy was appointed the finance minister on January 18, but was on February 22 dismissed as the finance minister and moved to the position of the first deputy prime minister by President Viktor Yanukovych.

Yuriy Kolobov, who replaced Khoroshkovskiy as the finance minister, is supposed to visit Washington later this month for talks with the IMF, Azarov reported Tuesday.

Kolobov, who is believed to be a close ally of Oleksandr Yanukovych, the son of the president, is expected to meet Chris Jarvis, the recently appointed IMF’s new mission chief for Ukraine.

The $15.5 billion loan was frozen in early 2011 after the government had failed to increase by 50% natural gas prices for households and utility tariffs to balance the budget.

Ukraine may ask the IMF to resume the lending that would automatically go towards repaying its debts to the Washington-based lender, Azarov has suggested earlier this week.

Ukraine needs to repay about $3.2 billion to the IMF by the end of the year, and has been struggling with raising enough funds from capital markets.

The government paid $575 million to the IMF in February.

Serhiy Tyhypko, deputy prime minister in charge of social issues and one of the key negotiators with the IMF, on Wednesday admitted the talks were at impasse.

“I don’t know about the American lobbyists, but it is the fact that we have reached an impasse,” Tyhypko said at a press conference.

He said the only reason for suspended lending is the government’s refusal to hike gas prices for households, but said the government will not resort to hiking the prices this year.

“We are not going to do this,” he said.

In the letter, requesting assistance, APCO said the government believes raising the gas prices now would be “politically suicidal” for the governing Regions Party ahead of October 2012 elections.

APCO Worldwide was founded in 1984 and is an independently owned global communication consultancy with offices in major cities throughout the Americas, Europe, the Middle East, and Asia.

Its clients include corporations and governments; industry associations and nonprofit organizations; and seven of the top 10 companies on Fortune’s Global 500.

Ukraine Agrees To Split Naftogaz

KIEV, Ukraine -- The Ukrainian government approved a bill on Friday to split the national energy company Naftogaz into production and transportation divisions and prohibit rental or privatization of the gas transportation system.
Naftogaz should be split according to the provisions of the EU Third Energy Package, which requires the separation of energy production, transportation and sales, as Ukraine is a member of the European Energy Communit, Ukrainian Deputy Minister of Energy and Mines Vladimir Makukha said.

Makukha claimed delay in reforming the country's gas sector had prevented modernization of the Ukrainian gas transportation system, and approval of the new bill could re-start the process.

"In fact, implementation of the first pilot project to upgrade Ukraine's gas transit system to modernize the Urengoi-Pomary-Uzhgorod gas pipeline with funds from European financial institutions has stopped," Makusha said.

Europe has refused to grant the funds until Ukraine reforms its internal gas market.

Naftogaz expected to get over $300 million from a consortium of international banks in July 2011 to upgrade the Urengoi-Pomary-Uzhgorod pipeline.

Kiev estimates the overall cost of upgrading the whole system at $5-7 billion over five to seven years.

The bill was opposed by the opposition in the Rada, particularly by supporters of former Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko, who tried to block the rostrum in protest as it was debated.

Ukraine's National Security and Defense Council head Andriy Klyuyev said the council will discuss how to manage the gas transportation system as the issue is a matter of the country's national security.

Russia had previously proposed setting up a joint venture between Naftogaz and Gazprom, to run Ukraine's gas transit system, as part of a settlement of its gas price dispute with Moscow.

The two countries have been embroiled in a long-running dispute over the price and volume of Russian gas purchased by Ukraine.

Kiev insists the current price is too high.

In late February Ukrainian Prime Minister Mykola Azarov said Moscow had sent a new gas proposal to Kiev stipulating a 10 percent discount in the price of gas, which Ukraine was considering.

Kiev imported over 1.8 billion cubic meters of Russian gas in January 2012, while in February it had to increase purchases to 3.1 billion cu m due to the severe cold.

The annual average Russian gas price for Ukraine for this year stands at $416 per 1,000 cu m.

Ukraine claims it would be cheaper to buy gas from Germany, and has begun exploring other sources of supply.

Sunday 11 March 2012

Putin vote inflated – watchdogs

Independent monitors and election experts allege that voter fraud and new tricks added 10 to 16 percent to Vladimir Putin’s official result of 63.6 percent in Sunday’s election, a finding that prompted some watchdogs to refuse to recognize the elections as legitimate.
Based on voting protocols from monitors, the independent Golos watchdog put Putin’s national result at 54 percent, while Alexei Navalny’s RosVybory group estimated his real vote at 49 percent – a result that would have sent the election into a second round. Another watchdog, Citizen Observer put Putin’s real vote at 48 percent.
Meanwhile, the League of Voters, a watchdog of opposition activists and celebrities, presented a report Wednesday based on copies of voting protocols from over 5,000 observers from 23 regions.Experts say different types of falsifications were used to greater or lesser extent depending on the region.
“In Moscow, which was covered by election observers better than any other Russian region, nighttime falsifications [rewriting of protocols] accounted for only around 2 percent of Putin’s poll, because forgers knew that observers were watching,” political analyst and election expert Dmitry Oreshkin told .
Across the country, the share of this kind of falsification is at least 10 percent, the League of Voters claimed.
Forgers have resorted to new methods in addition to traditional tricks like rewriting protocols, ballot stuffing and forced voting through absentee ballots, election experts said.
For instance, many people voted as employees of enterprises with so-called continuous production cycles – which meant that they could vote anywhere without an absentee ballot. According to Oreshkin, this allowed the same group of workers to vote several times at several polling stations.
“All of a sudden, a lot of enterprises turned out to have continuous production cycles in Moscow, for example Tekhnosila [a retail chain of household appliances],” Oreshkin said. Its employees voted at several polling stations, each claiming that they work in the vicinity and showing respective documents signed by their enterprise’s director. “This cannot be controlled because they don’t even have absentee ballots or other documents that can be tracked,” Oreshkin said.
Another method appeared to be creating new polling stations at the last minute, making it difficult for observers to prepare.
Monitor Ksenia Vinkova reported that an additional polling station was formed ahead of the elections in her district of Strogino. “The polling station covered only one block of flats with 300 residents, while another 1,087 people voted by additional lists as employees of enterprises with a continuous production cycle,” Vinkova wrote in her report. “Strogino is a residential community and there are no such enterprises here.”
Nina Ostanina, a State Duma deputy for the Communist Party, the only parliamentary party that has so far refused to recognize the election results, told Ekho Moskvy radio on Monday that just two days before the election, six additional polling stations were created in the town of Rybinsk in the Yaroslavl region, where United Russia polled less than 30 percent on December 4.
There March 4 was announced as a working day in all state-funded organizations, she said.
“Parties just had no time to prepare monitors or delegate commission members to these precincts,” Ostanina said.
Journalist and publisher Sergei Parkhomenko, a founder of the League of Voters, told The Moscow News that in his precinct of 3,007 voters over 500 people voted by additional lists. “We found they all came from three organizations, namely the Federal Road Agency and two theater colleges,” he said.
These new rigging methods could account for as many as 10 to 20 additional percentage points for Putin, according to Georgy Alburov, a coordinator of the RosVybory election monitoring project, through which over 17,000 volunteers worked as monitors in 81 regions.
“Most of our monitors reported that they had detected carousel voting, which was usually carried out by additional lists from enterprises,” Alburov said.
People were brought to precincts by car or in tour buses. Dmitry Oreshkin said that the League of Voters found that at least 30 buses with voters from the Tver region alone cruised across Moscow and the Moscow region on March 4.
In Russia’s second largest city, St. Petersburg, nighttime falsifications were used more widely than in Moscow, the League of Voters claimed. Protocols were allegedly rewritten at 28 polling stations, where watchdogs estimate that about 44 percent of votes were added to Putin. His official vote tally in St. Petersburg stands at 59 percent.
Election experts admit that it is almost impossible to tell what is going on in Russia’s blind spots, where Putin has received 90 percent or more of the vote. Two out of 16 RosVybory monitors were beaten up in Chechnya, where Putin received 99.8 percent.
“In Chechnya and Dagestan they fill out protocols in whatever way they want, regardless of the real results,” Oreshkin said.
Parkhomenko said that it was extremely unlikely that the results will be canceled. “The only opportunity to prove in court that the vote was rigged is to show a forged protocol. Courts do not consider videos, photos, audio records and copies of protocols as evidence, only original protocols. But who would give them to a monitor?”
Parkhomenko added that he does not know of a single observer or watchdog winning a lawsuit against forgers after the Dec. 4 parliamentary vote, which was also widely alleged to be rigged.
According to Moscow’s Election Commission, there was not a single instance of so-called “carousel voting” in Moscow.
But pro-government experts insisted the official vote count was a pretty accurate reflection of people’s preferences.
“Putin clearly is supported by the majority,” political analyst Sergei Markov, a member of United Russia, told The Moscow News. He added that Putin’s electorate was mobilized ahead of March 4 because many believed in the possibility of an Orange revolution.
According to Markov’s estimate, only about 2 percentage points may have been added to Putin’s vote count by overzealous election officials in the regions.
“I call this phenomenon a selftwisting spring of bureaucratic hyper-loyalty,” Markov said. “I think the role of carousel voting on March 4 is exaggerated because the opposition reported all the buses they saw as carousel buses. But those were mostly people that came to Moscow for a pro-Putin rally from other regions, and they voted with absentee ballots.”

Anti-Putin movement sees sharp drop in support

ome 20,000 people gathered on a central Moscow avenue Saturday to contest Vladimir Putin’s sweeping victory in presidential elections last weekend.

But the turnout, while unheard of for an opposition protest in Russia just four months ago, marks a sharp drop in support for the country’s newly formed protest movement, used to gathering crowds of up to 100,000.

Lining the entire stretch of a broad, kilometer-long forecourt on downtown Moscow’s Novy Arbat street, demonstrators waved white ribbons – the symbol of the protest movement – and brandished colorful placards bearing anti-Putin slogans.

The organizers of the demonstration called for fresh elections and deep political reform during two hours of speeches to muted cheering from the crowd.

“These authorities are illegitimate. The same people are in power, the same people who took away our right to choose, the same people who destroyed freedom of speech and political competition,” said protest organizer Vladimir Ryzhkov.

While most of the speeches focused on the violations recorded by monitors in last Sunday’s presidential elections, when Putin won nearly 64 percent of the vote, some attempted to clarify a question that troubles many protestors: where the movement will go now that it has failed to stop Putin securing another term.

“We need to quickly establish what we are protesting for - for judicial reform, for social improvements for youth, for free media, and for comprehensive political reform,” said popular TV host Ksenia Sobchak.

There was a deflated air to the event, with many protestors admitting that the movement had lost its focus now that the elections are over.

“There is certainly a trend towards diminishing numbers. I think people are starting to give up hope that anything can be achieved,” Lidia Mishenka, a student in her early 20s told The Moscow News. “I sincerely hope the movement won’t die out but, honestly, I’m not convinced it can achieve anything now.”

The last big sanctioned weekend protest by the opposition in Moscow attracted a crowd of over 100,000 people, despite temperatures around minus 20. Saturday’s weather was around zero.

Police put the turnout this time at around 10,000, while opposition leaders estimated 25,000. Moscow authorities had sanctioned some 50,000 people to take part.

In contrast to a small opposition protest Monday, where some 250 people were arrested, Saturday’s demonstration passed off peacefully without a single arrest. However, Left Front Leader Sergei Udaltsov was arrested after the event along with a dozen protesters when he attempted to hold an impromptu meeting on Pushkin Square.
Protestor Mikhail Tyoplenky said he felt the public were less angered by alleged violations in last weekend’s elections than they were following parliamentary elections in December.

“During the parliamentary elections there were a lot of obvious violations, which angered the whole population,” Tyoplenky said “This time round they [the authorities] made it look a lot cleaner – the violations were less obvious.”

How the movement will proceed now is as yet unclear. Udaltsov, of the Left Front, called for a mass protest on May Day, ahead of Putin’s inauguration - which is scheduled for May 7.

“Now it is up to the people on the street to decide what will happen,” Udaltsov told journalists as he left Novy Arbat. “If we don’t want to put up with crooks and thieves for the next six years, we need to solve this problem no later than May 1.

Ukraine's Slide

BRUSSELS, Belgium -- Five years ago to the day, the European Union and Ukraine started negotiations on a groundbreaking new agreement with the aim of fostering Ukraine’s political association and economic integration with the E.U.

By now, we should have been able to celebrate a signed and ratified agreement, and a successful Ukraine making progress toward even closer cooperation with the E.U. Instead, we pass a new milestone on what is becoming a much too long and painful road.

In March 2007, hopes were high for a sustainable democratic development of Ukraine.
Indeed, the country has been regarded as a beacon of democracy in the former Soviet Union and has a better track record of free and fair elections than most other countries in the region.

This has allowed the E.U. to go for much closer relations with Ukraine and also helped pave the way for the Eastern Partnership — an ambitious policy aiming at political association and economic integration between the E.U. and its six Eastern European partners.

Today, however, we are at an impasse in the association process.
While negotiations on the association agreement were successfully concluded in December 2011, the way forward — through signing and ratification of the agreement — has in effect been blocked by Ukraine’s actions.

The reason for this is simple: Developments in Ukraine in the last two years have caused us to question Kiev’s intentions with respect to the fundamental values that underpin both the agreement and our relations in a broader sense.

Following Viktor Yanukovich’s victory in 2010 in the presidential election, which was widely recognized as meeting international standards, Ukraine adopted an ambitious reform agenda, aiming mainly at boosting economic growth, alleviating the effects of the financial crisis and setting the country on a course toward deeper and closer ties with the E.U.
From our side, we could only support such a strong commitment to reforms, and we strongly welcomed Ukraine’s European choice.

We cannot, however, conceal our growing concerns regarding the state of democracy in Ukraine. Independent media and civil society organizations report pressure from the authorities.

In late 2010, criminal proceedings were started against a number of leading opposition politicians.
And a year later, former Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko was sentenced to seven years in prison for allegedly abusing her office, following a trial that has been widely criticized both in Ukraine and abroad as not meeting international standards.

Moreover, more than a dozen other opposition politicians are facing similar charges.
On Feb. 27, the former minister of the interior, Yuri Lutsenko, was sentenced to four years in prison after another disappointing trial.

These trials bear the marks of politically motivated and selective justice.
According to independent experts, they have been conducted in a manner that has failed to respect the principles of the rule of law and the human rights of the defendants.

These developments are incompatible with Ukraine’s own European choice.
Democracy, human rights and the rule of law are the values underpinning the association agreement and Ukraine has already committed itself to them in the framework of the O.S.C.E., the Council of Europe, and also vis-Ă -vis the E.U.
Thus, it is fair to say that the association agreement has been imprisoned, and the Ukrainian leadership is holding the key.

In October 2012, Ukrainian voters will elect a new parliament.
This will be a litmus test for democracy.
On that day, the eyes of the international community will be on Ukraine, with the hope and expectation that the country will not renege on its tradition of free and fair elections.
This includes ensuring that the opposition is allowed to participate fully.

We wish to underline that ultimately, it is the responsibility of the government to ensure that all political parties, including the opposition and its leaders, are able to participate on equal terms.
We call on Ukraine to send an early invitation to the O.S.C.E. Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights to pave the way for a substantial international observation mission.

We see ourselves as Ukraine’s allies.
We believe in the people of Ukraine and in Ukraine’s democratic and economic potential.
We know that the road of reforms, which Ukraine has chosen to take, is long and challenging.

But we are convinced that closer political and economic ties, as well as people-to-people contacts, between the E.U. and Ukraine offer huge benefits for both partners.

Twenty years of independence and sovereignty have brought an irreversible change in the mentality of the Ukrainian society.
The people of Ukraine are Europeans and share European values.
Our goal is to anchor Ukraine in the European family, as symbolized through the signing and ratification of the association agreement.

The foreign ministers of Sweden, Britain, the Czech Republic, Poland and Germany call on the Ukrainian leadership to display the political courage and wisdom needed for this to happen.

PACE Concerned By Ukraine's Failure To Implement Recommendations In Its Resolution

KIEV, Ukraine -- The Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe (PACE) has expressed concern that Ukraine is not implementing the recommendations made in the PACE resolution on Ukraine.

This is stated in a statement that PACE issued after a meeting of its Standing Committee in Paris (France) on March 9.

"The Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe notes with concern, some 6 weeks following the Resolution 1862 (2012) on the functioning of democratic institutions in Ukraine, the absence of any tangible signs of its demands being met with regard to the criminal prosecutions initiated under Articles 364 and 365 of the Criminal Code of Ukraine against a number of former government members...," PACE said in the statement.
In particular, PACE said that despite its calls to amend Articles 364 and 365 of the Criminal Code, which allow for post-facto criminalization of normal political decision-making, the parliament of Ukraine failed to do so on February 8, 2012, thereby pre-empting the possibility for charges against former government officials based on these provisions to be dropped.
According to the statement, the fact that former prime minister and leader of the Batkivschyna All-Ukrainian Association party Yulia Tymoshenko remains in detention and the recent conviction of former interior affairs minister Yurii Lutsenko - notwithstanding their seriously deteriorating health - both strengthen the impression of selective justice.
The assembly reiterated that "the assessment of political decisions and their effects is the prerogative of parliaments and, ultimately, of the electorate and not of the courts."
It once again called on the Ukrainian authorities - including the president - to urgently consider all legal means available to them to release these former government members and to allow them to compete in the forthcoming parliamentary elections.
The assembly said it would continue to follow the situation closely through its Monitoring Committee and noted that the committee's co-rapporteurs will visit Ukraine at the end of March 2012 and said that it expects full cooperation of the authorities with the co-rapporteurs, including granting the co-rapporteurs access to the detained former government members.
As Ukrainian News earlier reported, the parliament refused on February 8 to exempt the president of Ukraine, the prime minister, and other members of the Cabinet of Ministers from criminal responsibility for exceeding and abusing their authority.
On January 26, the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe adopted a resolution in which recommended that Ukraine drop the charges of abuse of power and abuse of office against former senior government officials and allow them to participate in the next parliamentary elections.

Euro 2012 - England Fans Could Snub 'Rip-Off Ukraine'

England could play their Euro 2012 matches in front of half-empty stadiums due to extortionate hotel prices in Ukraine.

England usually take one of the biggest away supports to major championships, and tickets are usually scarce - but the FA are struggling to sell their allocation for this summer's tournament that is being co-hosted with Poland.
The Three Lions open up their campaign against France in Donetsk before playing Sweden in Kiev.
Their final group game is back in Donetsk when they take on hosts Ukraine.

According to the Daily Telegraph, a one-star hotel in Donetsk, where England face France on June 11, is asking for £1,000 ($1,578) a night, while even guesthouses 35 miles away are looking for £240 ($379) per person per night.
Meanwhile, a room at the Ibis hotel in Kiev would normally cost £49 ($77), but is currently advertised for £550 ($868) when England are playing Sweden in the city on June 15.
“Getting there is OK, the cost of flights is OK, ticket prices are OK, it is the cost when you’re there that is a worry," admitted David Taylor, who is chief executive of UEFA Events.
"They (Ukraine) are playing with fire. It is inevitable to an extent. People want to see what they can get out of the situation, but some prices can be counterproductive and, to be honest, some of the prices are quite ridiculous."
“England have not sold out their allocation yet. For some reason there do not seem to be the same numbers as there normally are."
England have been allocated 7,500 tickets for the match against France and 9,000 for their clash with Sweden.
“The problem is there aren’t mid-price hotels. People in Ukraine need to realise we’re in austerity times,” Taylor said.
“In Lisbon, France against England in 2004 was the hottest ticket of the whole tournament. It’s the same wherever England played in the 2006 World Cup and now we’ve got them playing in Donetsk and neither France nor England have taken all their ticket allocation."
“It’s in a big stadium and, it’s incredible really, but this is one of the games we are worried about in terms of having rows of empty seats."
Taylor also said that UEFA are powerless to do anything about hotel prices.

“All we can do is try to advise and speak to the Ukrainian government and tell them this is happening," he added.
“We’ve asked them ‘do you realise what is going to happen?’ We’ve warned them the income in the country is going to be much, much less than we were forecasting."
“If you want the visitors, they have got to apply some local pressure to the hotels to make them be more realistic."
"They will have to be in the end because the rooms are empty, but it might be too late by then because people will have decided not to travel.”

Ukraine: The Dangers Of Putin 2.0

KIEV, Ukraine -- Ukrainian President Viktor Yanukovich’s administration is bracing itself for the return of Vladimir Putin as president.

It’s hoping the powerful Russian leader won’t kick off a third term by flexing his political muscle against its increasingly isolated and vulnerable neighbor.
Putin may not be as strong at home as he was in prior years.
He faces the challenge of opposition forces seeking change and reforms.
But even his domestic political foes are likely to back his main foreign policy agenda: asserting Moscow’s regional influence.
“We should get ready for Putin’s tough style, to the style of constant pressure,” Ukrainian political analyst Volodymyr Fesenko is quoted as saying in a report published in the English-language Kyiv Post.
In recent years, Putin has made successful strides in luring Belarus and Central Asian countries towards closer economic relations through investment and economic assistance, as well as a CIS-free trade agreement and a joint customs union.
The trade deals are seen as steps towards a broader Eurasian Union.
Kiev has so far resisted, insisting its strategic aim remains European Union membership.
But its fragile economy is stressed, in part due to increasingly high Russian natural gas import prices.
Kiev is now paying about $416 per 1,000 cubic meters for gas imported, compared to an average of $235 in 2009.
Yanukovich claims his country overpaid by some $3bn last year, when it’s annual gas bill stood at nearly $12.4bn.
Since replacing the western-oriented Viktor Yushchenko in 2010, Yanukovich has repeatedly called upon Moscow to lower prices to a “European” price of about $250 per 1,000 cubic meters.
That is Ukraine’s estimate of the west European price, minus transport costs and minus $100 discount, negotiated in 2010 in return for during which Ukraine agreed to prolong the Russian Black Sea Fleet’s stay in Sevastopol in return for a gas price reduction.
But Russia has held firm, insisting that a sharp decrease on prices will only come if Kiev joins the customs union (incompatible with EU integration) and yields control over its strategic gas transit pipeline system.
The latter pumps the lion’s share of Russian gas exports to Europe.
If Yanukovich refuses to hand it over, Russia is threatening to bypass Ukraine by building the multi-billion-dollar South Stream gas pipeline stretching across the Black Sea bed to the Balkans.

Russia has long desired to pull Ukraine back into its orbit of influence, but Kiev’s position is seen as particularly weak now.
Yanukovich started his presidency two years ago on good terms with both Moscow and Brussels.
But he has since irritated Moscow by resisting rapproachment, and Brussels by allegedly persecuting political opponents, notably former premier Yulia Tymoshenko.

Tymoshenko is serving a jail sentence after being convicted of exceeding authority in brokering a 2009 gas agreement with Putin that Yanukovich claims introduced onerous prices.
She denies wrong-doing and says she is the victim of a political attack.

Officials in Kiev have yet to deliver on market-oriented energy reforms that Brussels has said are necessary for loans and financial support.
The International Monetary fund has held up disbursements on a $15.6 bn loan programme, because of Ukraine’s failure to raise domestic gas prices.

Kiev officials say they are working hard to swiftly unbundle state gas behemoth Naftogaz, boost market transparency and competition.
But they are in the near-term desperate for some minimal support from Brussels in their tough negotiations with Moscow.

They are also starting to complain that EU countries are unfairly joining Moscow – and going against Ukraine’s interests – by unilaterally supporting the South Stream project.

Earlier this month, Ukrainian officials revealed that they had appealed to the director of European Energy Community to protest over Slovenia’s decision to unilaterally join other countries in the region supporting Russia’s South Stream, which Moscow’s critics see as a “political” rather than economic project.

Both Kiev and Slovenia are members of the European Energy Community, a EU-backed cooperation agreement.
Such unilateral decisions have frustrated Ukraine, which considers South Stream a threat to its and Europe’s interests by further strengthening Russia’s grip over the region’s energy supply.

“When Ukraine joined the Energy Community, we expected that the EU will support us as a member and take into consideration our interest,” Volodymyr Makukha, Ukraine’s deputy energy minister told the Financial Times.

“Separate country members of the Energy Community, such as Serbia, are in talk with Russia’s Gazprom, making agreements and opening up their gas storage facilities to become a central part of South Stream.”

Confused by silence on matter from the EU, which officially opposes South Stream, Makukha added: “The energy security of Ukraine is a step towards Europe’s energy security.”

But having irritated the EU so many times, Yanukovich is struggling to win friends in Brussels just when he may need them more than ever.

Putin has often shown his annoyance with Kiev in general – and Yanukovich in particular.
Once he is back in the Kremlin and again in direct charge of Russian foreign policy, he is more than likely to tighten the screws on Kiev.
He knows that the EU has bigger problems on its plate than Ukraine and Washington is increasingly focused on its own presidential election.

“Ukraine will face increasing pressure from the side of the Russian Federation,” predicted Ostap Semerak, a Ukrainian lawmaker allied with Tymoshenko.
“Yanukovich is increasingly becoming isolated with respect to relations with the EU. Clearly, Yanukovich will be in a weak position in talks [with Putin].”
Safely back in the presidency, Putin has the upper hand and no reason to “rush” into striking deal with Ukraine, according to Ukrainian energy analyst Yuriy Korolchuk.
After all, Kiev is already paying a lot for its gas.

In a nutshell, time, money and power is on Putin’s side.
Yanukovich has his work cut out.

Why Is Ukraine Supporting Syria’s Assad?

KIEV, Ukraine -- Syria grows increasingly isolated as President Bashar al-Assad's soldiers continue pounding anti-government protesters with a ferocity that has earned the wrath of much of the world.

Western nations and most Arab states have turned against Syria, with several clamoring for military intervention to end the bloodshed that has claimed at least 7,500 Syrian lives after nearly a year of unrest.

Assad's allies can be counted on the fingers of one's hand -- Russia, China, Iran and perhaps one or two others.

However, the butcher of Damascus has another, less prominent ally: Ukraine, the former Soviet republic.

In fact, Assad recently spoke to members of the Ukrainian parliament in Syria's capital, despite the global outrage toward the bloody crackdown.

During his speech, Assad repeated the tired cliché that the troubles in his country are being caused by foreign agents and armed terrorists seeking to destabilize Syria.

According to Syria's state-controlled SANA news agency, some members of the Ukrainian delegation expressed solidarity with Assad and opposition to foreign intervention in the Middle Eastern country.

Ukrainian and Syrian officials also apparently pledged to deepen bilateral relations, especially in technological development and education.

The relationship dates back to 1992, when post-Soviet Ukraine claimed independence.
Indeed, Syria was one of the first foreign nations to formally recognize the new Ukrainian state, although Syria didn't open an embassy in Kiev until 2004.

According to the Ukrainian Embassy in Damascus, Syria is one of Ukraine's biggest trade partners in the Middle East, with projects in energy, oil, agriculture and natural resources.
Bilateral trade amounted to about $1.5 billion in 2010.

In an interview with Ukrainian media in January 2011 (before the outbreak of the current revolt), Syria's ambassador to Ukraine, Suleiman Abudiab, said: "Syria is ahead of other Arab and African countries in the amount of trade with Ukraine."
"Syria imports metal, timber, raw materials for food production and other things from Ukraine. Syria would want to export to Ukraine Syrian textiles which are cheap and of good quality, fruit and olive oil."

Abudiab added: "In the past, Ukrainian engineers and workers took part in building electric power stations and carried out other projects, and now what was built then is in need of renovation and repair. Ukrainian specialists as well as medical doctors and teachers would be very welcome in Syria."

The ambassador also pointed out the presence of a significant Syrian community in Ukraine. "Mostly, they are those who studied here," he said.

"Some of them are successful businessmen; others have achieved success in other spheres. ... There are quite a few Syrians -- as many as 15,000 -- who studied at Ukraine's universities and now live in Syria."
"Most of them are quite successful in their lines of business and work. Many of them are married to Ukrainian women."

Last October, deep into the crackdown by the regime, a group of Ukrainian politicians visited Syria in a show of support for Assad and condemned "global media" for falsely reporting the events in the country.

Alla Alexandrova, head of the delegation and a Communist member of the Verkhovna Rada, the upper house of Ukraine's parliament, told Syrian state media at the time: "Sadly, the Ukrainian media often gets its information from global mass media, so we came here to verify the reality of what is happening for ourselves."

She also said during another visit to Damascus: "Ukraine stresses its support to Syria and rejection of foreign interference in its affairs. Ukraine also stresses support to dialogue among all the Syrian sides."

It's unclear what degree of support Assad enjoys among Ukraine's people.
There appeared to be no reports of protests in Ukraine regarding Assad.

Dilshod Achilov, professor of political science at East Tennessee State University, finds the apparent Ukrainian government support for Syria at this tumultuous time strange.

"One possible explanation is that [Ukraine's President] Viktor Yanukovich ... is known for his close ties with Vladimir Putin," Achilov said, referring to the newly elected Russian president.

"It is possible that Mr. Yanukovich has acted in this odd way while being under pressure from Russian officials. Russia is trying hard to keep Assad in power as long as -- and at whatever cost -- possible."

Achilov said he believes any underlying Ukrainian support for Assad rests on the anti-Western -- and staunchly pro-Russian -- sentiments of the new leadership in Kiev.

"From day one, Ukraine was and still is against any foreign military confrontations, especially by NATO," he said.
"In the light of what Assad has been doing at home (massacring civilians with disproportionate military force), it was highly unwise and irresponsible of Ukraine to show solidarity with the current Syrian regime."
"This will likely impact future Syrian-Ukrainian relations in the post-Assad Syria in the near future."