Russia to search for gold in Tanzania

Russian geological holding company Rusgeology will search for minerals in Tanzania. The appropriate program is ready; representatives of the holding have already attended the talks in the African country. Tanzania is a treasure trove of a wide variety of minerals. However, the exploration will cost quite a sum. Since colonial times, Tanzania has been a storehouse of a variety of minerals. The country ranks third in Africa in terms of gold reserves; there are rich deposits of diamonds, copper and hydrocarbons. During the visit to Tanzania (it took place in early October) representatives of Rusgeology met with the heads of the Ministry of Energy and Mines and other officials of Tanzania. The talks were held to discuss the prospects of cooperation in the field of ​​regional geological exploration in promising territories. At the meeting with First Deputy Minister for Energy and Mines of Tanzania, representatives of Rusgeology discussed the program of projected metallogenic research in central Tanzania. The program has been coordinated and is currently being considered by management. Rusgeology possesses a staff of highly qualified professionals and extensive and sometimes unique experience in exploration and mining in Russia and abroad. This knowledge and the available production capacity will make a valuable contribution to quick and efficient research on the territories of the interested countries," the head of the International Cooperation Department of the company, Mr. Demidov said. There were large deposits of oil found in Tanzania too. In the winter of this year, it was reported that Rusgeology could both look for oil and extract it. Then-CEO of Rusgeology, Alexander Pisarnitsky, said that the company was planning to start own production of hydrocarbons in five or seven years. Most likely, though, the valuable information on the industrial resources of one of the richest countries in Africa will be more expensive than the crude oil of the country. Technically, it was Rusgeology that was supposed to become the exploration corporation. It was thought that the company would be providing is extremely valuable to its customers in the first place. The information could then be converted into profit. Incidentally, in 2010, the Russian government abolished the fee for the information from the State Fund of the Interior. The info on the deposits that was sold to miners, replenished the budget with 150-170 million rubles every year. The establishment of the state-run corporation Rusgeology was tied to the need to ensure the uniform exploration of the territory of Russia, the reproduction of the mineral resource base, as well as with the need to develop a fundamentally important new directions of geological research. The plans for such an organization are registered in the strategy for the development of geology before 2030. The registered capital of Rusgeology, which was created on the basis of JSC Central Geology, is based on the shares of 38 major state-owned geology enterprises of Russia. They provide a variety of services in drilling, geophysics, etc. The priority areas for the work of Rusgeology abroad include African countries (Tanzania, Mauritania, Sudan, Angola, Namibia, Congo, South Africa, etc.), Latin America (Venezuela, Chile, Peru), South-East Asia (Vietnam, Laos Mongolia), Indonesia and others. The company has intergovernmental agreements signed with many of them. The corporation was created primarily to address Russian issues and eliminate the vacuum that was formed in the industry during the 90's, when found in the Soviet times. The search for new deposits was not important at all thanks to the reserves discovered during the Soviet period. In 2012, Russia intends to spend 41 billion rubles on geological exploration, which is considerably more than in the previous year (19 billion). According to the government, one should increase the proportion of non-budgetary sources in funding geological exploration. In 2015, it should reach 20 percent, in 2020 - 40 percent, in 2030 - 50 percent. The implementation of geological exploration by the holding in the interests of governments and private companies of third countries fits into this strategy well.

Nord Ost hostages never forget three days of hell in 2002

Russia marks the tenth anniversary of the hostage crisis at the Moscow music theater. On October 23, 2002 an armed group of terrorists broke into the building of the theater where a popular musical "Nord-Ost" was being performed. The group with Movsar Barayev at the head took 916 people hostage - artists and spectators. The building was stormed in nearly three days. The terrorists were killed, and most of the hostages were released. However, the number of victims was quite large - 130 people. Russian mass media widely discussed the impact of the sleeping gas, which was used during the storm, on the health of the hostages. The gas was emitted into the ventilation system of the building prior to the storm. Moscow's Chief Doctor Andrei Seltsovsky said that the poisoning showed no significant influence on the death rate among the former hostages. Russian President Vladimir Putin officially announced the same in 2003. The formula of the gas still remains unknown - the authorities do not disclose it. It was only established that its main component was fentanyl - a strong opioid analgesic, used in anesthesia, and most often in neurosurgery during highly complicated operations on the brain, when it is required the patient should remain conscious. The negotiations continued for three days - on October 23-26. Only on October 25th the terrorists allowed to give hostages water and juices. Politician Irina Khakamada and singer Iosif Kobzon tried to negotiate with terrorists to free the hostages. Deputy of the State Duma, Aslambek Aslakhanov, addressed the Chechens too. In the evening of October 25th, the terrorists announced that they would no longer conduct any negotiations. During the three days of the crisis, the terrorists shot several spectators and killed two relatives, who sought the release of their loved ones. The decision to storm the building was made at night of October 26th. Late last year, the European Court of Human Rights ordered Russia to pay 1.3 million euros to Nord-Ost victims. The panel of seven judges unanimously recognized that there was a real threat of mass deaths during the hostage crisis, and that the Russian authorities had every reason to break off the negotiations with the terrorists and storm the building. The court also ruled, though, that the use of gas was justified. However, according to the court, the rescue operation after the storm was not prepared well. The victims of the tragedy did not receive adequate medical care after the use of the unknown gas. The actions of various services were poorly coordinated, the evacuation of victims came late, there was a lack of medical equipment, the transportation was organized poorly. There were many children - both small children and teens - among the hostages. Ten years later, they shared their memories of hell that they had to experience. Ksenia Zharkova told NTV that she and her classmate, who died, were sitting right underneath the air vents, where the gas came from. "For a few hours I had a terrible headache, and the doctor, who was sitting on the balcony, put me on another row to make me an injection. Perhaps I am still alive because of that," she said. Olga Protas remembers that the worst moment for her was when the terrorists said they would choose ten people from the audience and shoot them right on stage. "During the last day, I lost hope that I would see my loved ones. I wrote my phone number and my name on my hand so that my parents would be able to recognize me in a morgue," confessed the former hostage. The terrorists broke into the building and went up on stage, where they announced their requirement to withdraw federal forces from Chechnya. At first, many did not even understand what was happening. Choreographer of "Nord-Ost" Galina Delyatitskaya told the Rossiyskaya Gazeta newspaper: "When the second act began, I went up to the balcony to see the quality of the dance of pilots. I saw a camouflaged man with a gun climbing on stage. I thought that he had drunk too much at the buffet during the intermission. The audience thought it was a part of the spectacle and they cheered." Those who lost their loved ones in the hostage crisis still remember the words that they heard from them in a few phone calls. Many hostages tried to calm their relatives down: "It's okay, no need to panic," "They are placing bombs in the auditorium, but it's nothing really..." Actions in memory of the victims of the terrorist attack are held at the Moscow music theater in Dubrovka every year. The ceremony to lay flowers and hold a moment of silence will take place on October 26. In 2003, a seven-meter stele of white granite was erected on the square in front of the theater: "In memory of the victims of terrorism." In April 2011, a stone was placed in the foundation of the church in memory of the hostages. The construction of the church is about to end. The consecration of the church is to be held on 26 October, during the anniversary of the terrorist attack.

Russia builds cropdusters, US designs new airships

The Moscow region may become a center of the production of small aircraft, the governor of the Moscow region Sergei Shoigu said. The meeting on the development of regional and local air service in the Central Federal District of Russia took place on October 23rd in the town of Zhukovsky. The authorities announced their intention to build assembly plants in the town of Balashikha to assemble American five-seated Maule M-9, Czech 19-seated L-410 and Russian upgraded An-2 aircraft there, the Kommersant said. "I know for certain that next year in May we will begin to assemble the An-2 aircraft. We will start doing it, at all costs. If there's a need to repair the workshops - we will repair them. If there's a need to raise loans - we will raise them," said the governor. Sergei Shoigu is sure that reviving the production of the upgraded An-2 aircraft is essential for the whole country. Responding to the remarks from one of the leaders of Zhukovsky airfield, who said that creating small aircraft was unprofitable due to transportation charges, Shoigu said: "It's good that the people living in Tiksi, Podkamennaya Tunguska or other hard-to-reach locations in Siberia do not hear you. And if it wasn't for highly expensive Alrosa aircraft, I do not know how people could live there at all, and how the Northern delivery could be conducted there!" According to him, one should produce at least 100 such aircraft. "They used to fly in the north and in Siberia. Now there is nothing that people can fly there. Airplanes and helicopters of foreign production began to appear, but we have no place where we could repair them," said Shoigu. "If this plane [An-2] doesn't appear, we will not have the planes that would fly to northern territories. Attaching highest priority to profitability is wrong. Profitability is a temporary concept," said the governor. First class test pilot Alexander Akimenkov told Pravda.Ru that the An-2 was a unique aircraft for Russia. "This is the only aircraft, where pilots can choose a landing spot while flying. The plane can land anywhere. When Medvedev flew to the Far East, people were begging him to give the An-2 back to them. This is the only aircraft that can be of huge help there. The An-2 gave rise to oil and mining industries. If they stop the production of An-26 and An-2, then over 2,500 settlements will be left without doctors. There will be no pension, no mail, no power for them in the end. 82 percent of Russian territories are the places that can be reached only by plane. And most importantly, the aircraft maintains crude oil production. Russia is an oil power," said the pilot. As for the production of American small capacity aircraft, Akimenkov is not sure whether the models are going to be in demand in our country. "As for U.S. and other foreign planes - why do we need a 5-seater? We need to transport sheep and goats! Foreign planes are not for our remote settlements, plus it's expensive. Yes, it is very comfortable for officials to fly them. So let them buy a plane like that," he said. The An-2 is a 12-seated transport aircraft, the so-called "cropduster". Aircraft designer Oleg Antonov designed it in October 1940. Nowadays, it is used as a passenger and cargo aircraft in local air traffic. Meanwhile, US specialists have developed a prototype of a new cargo airship -Pelican, Vzglyad reports. The aircraft can become an alternative to modern military transport aircraft, including the strategic Boeing C-17, the load capacity of which exceeding 70 tons. One of the major advantages of airships is the possibility of vertical takeoff and landing. In addition, cargoes can be unloaded from airships on unprepared locations. The ground tests of Pelican airships should begin at the end of October; flight tests are said to begin in early 2013. In Russia, there are two companies that design airships. The firm Augur has produced 12 airships of five different types since 1999. Nowadays, one of the company's latest models, Au-30, prepares to fly to the North Pole. The Defense Ministry buys the majority of airships to conduct patrol, technical monitoring, aerial, geophysical and other surveys. The company Locomosky designed "Locomoskyner" airship to explore the Earth interior and offshore areas of the ocean. The carrying capacity of the airship is one ton. There is also a model for monitoring and control - for example, to monitor oil pipelines and special objects. In 2006, the company decided to revive the project of Academician Yuri Ryzhov to design a thermoplane that would be capable of carrying 600 tons of cargo. Chairman of the Board of Directors of Locomosky, Kirill Lyats, said that until the end of the year the company would fine sources to finance the project to build a cargo airship in three or four years.

Russia rejects the merger of Moldova with Romania

If Moldova loses its sovereignty or neutrality, the Russian Federation has the right to propose the right of self-determination for Transdniester the messenger of Moscow for special missions, Sergei Gubarev, informed on Sunday. The expert said that the Kremlin does not rule out recognizing the independence of the breakaway republic located within Moldovan territory. It was repeated that Russian authorities have expressed their rejection of the merger of Moldova with neighboring Romania and their possible annexation to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). Gubarev insisted on the need to negotiate an exit to reach an agreement suitable to both parties, according to the radio station Echo Moscow. Building a future of coexistence with Tiraspol and Kishinev, capitals where the solution to the problem is, should be the goal of the talks, he insisted emphatically. The transformation of the Soviet Union and the fear of annexation of Moldova to Romania in the early 1990's caused the creation of five districts on the left bank of the Dniester, with a mostly Russian population, proclaimed as the self-styled Republic of Transdniéster, with Tiraspol as its capital. In retaliation, Kishinev sent forces against the separatist territory that led to a war that lasted several months. Peace was achieved by a mediated integrated mixed contingent of 402 Russian military, 355 Moldovans and 492 from Transdniéster, as well as a dozen Ukrainian observers. A negotiating process was initiated on the basis of the formula called "five plus two" - Moldova, Transdniestria, Russia, Ukraine, the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), besides the United States and the European Union. These agreements were interrupted from 2006 to 2011, although the parties continued performing periodic consultations until November 30, 2011 and Moldova and Transdniéster restored the practices. Upon reaching the presidency of Transdniester at the end of that year, Yevgeny Shevchuk reaffirmed the foreign policy of his administration and will seek to recognize and maintain a relationship with his Russian partners. "We will also be open for neighborly relations with Moldova and Ukraine," expressed the representative of the Republic.

The myth of affordable energy

Ed Dolan, a well known economist, gave an interview to Oilprice.com, in which he spoke about various energy and economic issues. Mr. Dolan shared his thoughts on why the US oil and gas boom is hurting Russia's global influence, why Obama's desire to cut oil industry tax breaks could be a great idea, why the EU was flawed from the start and many other things Q: Access to cheap energy is vital to economic growth. What do you see happening with the economy over the coming years as the time of cheap oil comes to an end? A: In my view it is a myth that cheap energy - "affordable energy" as many people like to say is vital to growth. The idea that there is a lockstep relationship between growth of GDP and use of energy is widespread, but the data simply does not bear it out. Instead, what they show is that the world's best-performing economies have become dramatically more energy efficient over time. The World Bank uses constant-dollar GDP per kg of oil equivalent as an energy efficiency metric. From 1980 to 2010, the high-income countries in the OECD have increased their average energy efficiency by 55 percent. The United States has done a little better than that, increasing its energy efficiency by 81 percent over that period. That's pretty remarkable, considering that we haven't really had a policy environment that is supportive of efficiency. Think what we could do if we did. Even after the efficiency gains in efficiency we have made, we still have a long way to go. The US economy is still 15 percent less energy efficient than the average for high-income OECD countries, giving it plenty of room to improve. Switzerland is almost twice as energy-efficient as the US, and the UK is 68 percent more efficient. Some people say that the only reason the United States has been able to grow while using less energy is the deindustrialization of its economy, outsourcing heavy industry to China. However, compare the US with Germany. Germany is an export powerhouse and Europe's best-performing economy, yet its energy efficiency has increased at almost the same rate over the last 30 years as the United States, an 80 percent gain in efficiency compared to 81 percent. Furthermore, despite being proportionately more industrialized than the US and a major exporter, Germany squeezes out 41 percent more GDP from each kg of oil equivalent. In short, we don't have to hypothesize about the possibility of someday breaking the lockstep relationship of growth and energy use-we and most of the rest of the advanced world are already doing it. Q: What effect can you see America's Oil & Gas boom having on foreign policy? A: On the whole, I see it as beneficial. Energy dependence has led us to buy a lot of oil from countries that are unstable and/or unfriendly to us. Anything we can do to reduce that dependence gives our foreign policy more room to maneuver. The beneficial effects reach beyond our actual imports and exports. The US gas revolution is having repercussions all the way to Russia, where Gazprom is seeing its market power undermined, and Russia, as a result, is losing some of the geopolitical leverage its pipeline network has given it. Q: From Siberia and Poland to China and Qatar - the shale revolution has politicians salivating at the thought of a cheap and abundant source of energy. But can the results seen in the U.S. be easily replicated in other parts of the world? A: I think you're going to have to ask someone with more engineering background for the technical details, but from what I read, the answer is that it won't always be easy. It is my understanding that some countries where shale seemed just recently to have great promise have already encountered disappointments in practical exploratory work. Poland I think is an example. Furthermore, the environmentalist opposition to fracking seems even stronger in many European countries than in the United States. Still, I am hoping that the shale revolution will pan out in at least some countries. Think how much difference it would make, say, to Ukraine's foreign policy if they were able to break their dependence on Russian gas. Q: Gail Tverberg has written a recent article suggesting the world is suffering from high-priced fuel syndrome, which has the following symptoms: A: I don't buy the argument at all. Yes, when countries are hit by unexpected upward shocks in fuel prices, we do see short-run results like slower growth and layoffs, but those are short-term problems. When the proper structural adjustments are made, countries with high fuel prices manage to achieve strong growth and full employment. Where are fuel prices lowest? If you look up the data and rank countries by retail fuel prices, you find the low-price end of the rankings crowded with countries like Egypt, Cambodia, Iran, Pakistan-not exactly economies we would like to emulate. We've got big economic problems, but a lot of them don't have much to do with energy. What about a healthcare system that delivers mediocre results at the world's highest cost? Health care isn't all that much energy driven. What about our steady move down the international rankings in education-are you going to blame that on the high cost of heating classrooms? Hardly. Q: Oil prices have been near to the $100 a barrel mark for some time now, and don't look likely to drop back to previous low levels. What effect could this increased price have on oil importing economies compared to oil exporting economies? A: Clearly, any oil price increase has the short-term effect of transferring wealth from using countries to producing countries. However, the long-run effects are what matter. In the long run, high prices just accelerate the trend for using countries to become more efficient and less dependent. Meanwhile, the producing countries often don't manage their oil riches well. They fall victim to the "curse of riches." The curse takes the form partly of a loss of competitiveness in their non-energy sectors (the so-called "Dutch disease"). Partly it takes the form of corruption of their political systems. Russia is a poster child for both aspects of the curse of riches. Q: Renewable energy is more expensive than fossil fuels, so how can people be persuaded to choose the less economical option of renewables over the likes of coal and natural gas? A: There is only one right way to promote renewables, and that is to introduce full-cost pricing of all forms of energy. Full-cost pricing is a two-part program. First, it means pricing that covers the full production costs for every form of fuel. No subsidies for anyone-not for oil, not for ethanol, not for wind or solar. The second half of full-cost pricing is to include all of the nonmarket costs, what economists call the "external costs" or "externalities." The most publicized of these are pollution costs, whether those take the form of local smog, oil spills, climate change, or bird kills. Some people, I am one of them, would like to count in something for the national security costs of dependence on unfriendly and unstable foreign sources of energy supply. Full-cost pricing accomplishes two things. First, it levels the playing field so that each form of energy competes on its economic merits, not whether corn-growing states have early primaries or oil companies have big SuperPacs. Second, by raising prices to consumers to a realistic level, it accelerates the trend toward energy efficiency that is already underway. Subsidies for renewables are just plain wrong, even if you look at them from a hard-core environmentalist point of view. With a subsidy, on the one hand, you say, "produce more green energy" and other the other hand, you turn around and tell the consumer, "waste more green energy." We don't want to waste energy from wind or solar any more than we want to waste oil and gas. We shouldn't forget that even the greenest renewables can have significant environmental impacts. The whole "affordable energy" idea is based on the myth that if we don't include those external costs in the price-the pollution costs, the national security costs-they just go away. They don't. Keeping prices artificially low just transfers those costs to someone else, someone unlucky enough to live downwind, someone who owns beachfront property that gets eroded away as the sea level rises, someone who has to go off to fight a war to keep the shipping routes open. There are two things wrong that. First, it's immoral. If we believe in the market economy, the rule of law, and all that, we have to respect people's property rights and their human rights. Second, it's inefficient. It doesn't strengthen our economy, it weakens it. If there's one thing we can't afford, it's "affordable energy." Q: Obama has made clear his desires to cut the $4 billion a year tax breaks given to oil companies. What affect do you believe this would this have on the US economy and the US oil industry? A: If it is done as part of a comprehensive move toward full-cost pricing, it could only strengthen the US economy. The oil industry would whine, but if we cut subsidies and tax breaks for competing energy sources at the same time, oil will remain a competitive part of the energy mix for many years to come. Q: The oil industry has enjoyed decades of subsidies and grants, so do you think it is unreasonable to already start cutting the subsidies to renewable energies and expect them to survive on their own? A: As I explained above, the answer is yes, provided it is done as part of apackage that reforms our energy policy as a whole in the direction of full-cost pricing. Q: Economic growth is generally dependent on the access to energy. As the supply of energy grows, so too does the economy (more or less). Global oil supplies are pretty much stagnant, so do you predict that only nations that successfully convert to a renewable energy mix with an abundant supply of cheap energy will be able to experience continued economic growth at a similar level experienced by the developed countries of recent years? A: Again, I just don't buy the doctrine that growth is dependent on ever-increasing energy use. For sure, those countries that pursue sound policies, like full-cost pricing to rationalize their energy mix and promote efficiency, are the ones that are going to keep growing. Q: As the arctic ice melts at a rapid pace the world's superpowers are jockeying for position to exploit the region's vast oil & gas & mineral deposits. Environmental groups are rightly concerned, but is this a resource that we cannot afford to ignore? A: Arctic oil, like any other source of energy, should pay full freight for any environmental impacts it has. If it can bear those costs and still be competitive, I think it should be in the mix. I am worried about Russia, though. It has a dangerous combination of an environment-be-damned attitude and low technical competence that could lead to headline-grabbing disaster worse than the Gulf blowout or Exxon Valdez. Q: What effect do you see the shale revolution having on investments in renewable energy? A: If I were trying to make money by generating electricity with wind or solar, I'd be worried about gas. I don't have all the relevant numbers at my disposal, but my gut feeling is that even if you price in full environmental costs for wind, solar, and gas-including environmental costs associated with fracking-gas is still going to be pretty competitive. Q: What are your views on Ben Bernanke's QE3? A: I've written repeatedly about QE over at Economonitor, so I am on record as saying we should try it. The trouble is, QE is not a magic bullet. Properly executed and properly communicated, it can help support the recovery, but it can't do it alone. That is one point where I agree 110 percent with Ben Bernanke Here is what he said in a speech at the Fed's Jackson Hole conference at the end of the summer: "It is critical that fiscal policymakers put in place a credible plan that sets the federal budget on a sustainable trajectory in the medium and longer runs. . . Monetary policy cannot achieve by itself what a broader and more balanced set of economic policies might achieve." Q: How do you see the EU solving its debt crisis? A: I'm afraid I'm a euro pessimist. The US debt situation is hard enough to resolve, but Europe's is worse. At the same time, whatever you say about gridlock in Washington, our political decision making is a model of streamlined efficiency compared with the EU. Q: Do you think the EU was doomed to fail from the start with the format that it has? Could more success be seen in a split EU, with the northern/richer nations using one currency, and the southern/poorer nations using a different currency? A: Doomed, I don't know, but flawed, certainly. Just recently, I was looking back at what economists were writing about the prospects for the euro back in the early 1990s, when it was still just a project. They were telling us, for one thing, that Europe is too diverse to be ideal for a currency union-and that was when there were only 15 EU countries. Second, they said that you can't run a monetary union without a central government, a fiscal union, and a banking union. You still don't have any of those. I am not sold on the idea of a northern euro and a southern euro. If the currency union doesn't work, it doesn't work. Break it up. Sure, some countries will find it works for their special circumstances to tie their currencies to a large, stable neighbour. I could see the Danes or the Latvians keeping a link to the German currency, for example, and I'm sure the Vatican will continue to use whatever currency Italy uses. But a formal, north-south divide doesn't make much sense to me. Q: In terms of tackling the current economic situation in the US, of the two main presidential candidates, who do you suggest is the best man, and why? A: I do not think we can tackle the current economic situation without a thorough-going fiscal policy reform that includes three key elements: Spending cuts, revenue increases, and a rewrite of the whole tax system to eliminate loopholes and cut marginal rates. Furthermore, the package can't be heavily front-loaded like George Osborne's austerity program in the UK, which has sent their economy back into recession. Ours should be back-loaded, with an element of stimulus now and an ironclad commitment to move the budget toward surplus as the economy improves. It's a lot to ask for. We are not going to get good budget policy out of the GOP unless members of that party make a clean break with mantra that they will not accept a dime of new revenue, not even if it comes from eliminating the most loathsome tax loopholes. Personally, I am never going to vote for a candidate for President, the Senate, the House, or any office who has signed that nonsensical Grover Norquist tax pledge. At the same time, I have been very disappointed at the lukewarm support Obama has given to the kind of program I would like to see. During the first debate, Romney said that when Obama didn't "grab" Simpson-Bowles-that was his word, and a good one-it was a failure of leadership. That was one point where I agreed with Mitt. Then, you also have to take into account the vote for Congress. I'm afraid there is going to be continued gridlock as long as the GOP controls the House. In the Senate, there are at least a few people in both parties who are willing to meet behind the scenes and talk compromise, but not in the House, not right now, anyway. Maybe what we need in the White House is someone who is a real politician, a negotiator and dealmaker in the mould of a Clinton or an LBJ. Instead, we have the choice between a manager and a law professor. I'm not optimistic that either of them will be able to do what needs to be done.

Tortured victim of atrocious rape sees no justice

he tragic March case of Oksana Makar, which saw the 18-year-old from Mykolaiv, southern Ukraine, raped, torched and ultimately killed, shocked the world and cast a dark cloud over a Ukraine which was at that time looking towards Euro 2012 with anticipation. Now, more than six months later, the trial of her accused murderers is set to conclude. The Central District Court of Mykolaiv has stated that legal debate, the final stage before a verdict is reached, will begin on October 30. Oksana Makar's life was troubled right from childhood, spending a significant part of her early years in an orphanage after both her father and stepfather were imprisoned for drug dealing, and her mother, Tetyana Surovitska, a prominent figure in the media since her daughter's death, was also serving a sentence on a robbery conviction. Oksana completed only six years of formal schooling, and by the age of 11 had run away from the orphanage, surviving at various locations in and around her hometown through petty theft and, reportedly, prostitution. On March 8th, Makar is said to have met two of her attackers, friends Yevhen Krasnoschek, 23, and Artem Pohocyana, 22, in the Rybka, a Mykolaiv pub. After some drinks there, the young men suggested going back to the nearby apartment of their friend, Maksym Prisyazhnyuk, 24. The naked Makar was discovered the next morning at a nearby construction site by a passing motorist. She had been wrapped in a blanket, which at the time of her discovery had been on fire for hours, causing irreparable lung damage, beaten, strangled with cable, and dumped. Makar's body sustained 55 percent burns, and a medical examination confirmed the girl's claims that she had been repeatedly, and forcefully, raped. Reports as to what happened in the apartment to cause such extreme, unfathomable brutality, have ranged from a planned, co-ordinated execution, to a rape, which saw Makar threaten to call the police and the gang attempting to subdue her through force, which escalated to the extent they believed she was dead when they left the apartment with her. The trial of the three accused, going on since May 24th, partly public and partly in closed sessions, has been eventful, insightful, and frequently disturbing, as new details have emerged of the International Women's Day attack. The three accused have changed their stories several times, at one time in proceedings even going so far as to petition an insanity plea, rejected by the panel of judges, led by Judge Elena Selivanov. The three defendants, Yevhen Krasnoschek, Artem Pohocyana, and Maksym Prisyazhnyuk, were all apprehended on March 11, after a still conscious Makar gave police information on her attackers. In a police operation which was to be the subject of fierce criticism, Pohocyana and Prisyazhnyuk were quickly released, and then swiftly re-arrested after a storm of protest broke out, and President Yanukovych intervened, while Krasnoschek has remained remanded in custody since March 11. Each has reported stated that they were in a state of extreme alcoholic intoxication on the night of the incident, which led to the immediate amputation of Makar's right arm and both her feet, to prevent gangrene. On March 29, Makar died in a Donetsk burn centre, even the expert intervention of a Swiss surgeon, paid for by Ukrainian billionaire and member of Verkhovna Rada, Rinat Akhmetov, insufficient to save her. Along with Akhmetov's funding, the Mykolaiv community also raised over 1 million hryvnia for the treatment of Makar, with hundreds additionally donating blood. Throughout the trial, defence lawyers have submitted a number of petitions aimed at mitigating or offsetting responsibility. The majority of these, including a call for a complete re-examination of proceedings (already examined by no less than 30 different experts) have been rejected. In a labyrinth to-and-fro, which saw the defence counsel described by the prosecutor as 'tricky', defence lawyers even went so far as to ask for a re-examination of the deceased girl's body, to confirm she had been raped. This request to exhume Makar, who was buried in a wedding dress in accordance with local tradition, was rejected on the grounds of irrefutable evidence already in existence, attesting to forceful sexual assault. Relations between the accused have also fractured, as the three have broken ranks, offering attempts at expiation and blame shifting. At the end of August Yevhen Krasnoschek (who is married with a young daughter), through his lawyer Larisa Zavadskaya, refuted his earlier, recorded, testimonials and gave the explanation that he had intentionally choked Makar not quite to death so the other two would think she was dead, thus leaving her (for dead) and giving the brutalised 18-year-old girl a chance to find help. His contention was that he was then offered money to implicate himself in her murder, and lessen the charges levelled against Pohocyana and Prisyazhnyuk. Coming at the advanced stage of the trial it did, commentators were quick to note that his statements, contradictory and confusing as they were, seemed to be playing to the idea that Prisyazhnyuk, son of the former head of the Yelanets District Administration in Mykolayiv Oblast, was the ringleader in the crime. Many had thought that Prisyazhnyuk, who worked as a lawyer and with his background of wealth and power, was best placed of the three accused, yet with all aware of the global interest in the case, the Ukrainian judicial system can ill afford any exoneration based on privilege. As the trial has progressed, Prisyazhnyuk, described by sources as having a forceful character, has increasingly found his wealth and connections used to paint a picture of an individual who thought he could do as he wished. Pohocyana was originally said to have senior connections, with his father having worked as a high-ranking official in the district prosecutor's office in Mykolaiv. However, police subsequently claimed his father was a manual labourer, who died in January 2012, and his mother a librarian. While Krasnoschek and Prisyazhnyuk are reported to have remained largely dispassionate during legal testimonials and evidence giving, Pohocyana has visibly buckled under the gravity of the situation, and earlier in October attempted to take his own life in his cell. All three are accused of committing crimes under paragraphs 4, 10, 12, Part 2 of Article 115, and paragraph 4 of Article 152 of the Criminal Code of Ukraine. Krasnoschek further finds himself charged with Part 3 of Article 153 (satisfying sexual desire in perverted forms). Krasnoschek originally reported that Makar was wrapped in a blanket, and dropped in the pit, with the blanket catching fire when a pillow case was lit and tossed down. Afterwards, he reported, they went home and changed into new clothes, before buying vodka and eating at a local kiosk. "We sat down, had a smoke and then went our own ways." Whether the three will ever be able to go their own ways again will be determined soon, with a life sentence the maximum penalty for each of the men. However, it's not just the Ukrainian legal system about to be placed again at the fore of the international media. Ukraine's alarming record of domestic violence, and patchy record in past prosecutions, are about to be thrust into the global eye. Pressure is on the Mykolaiv court to reach a verdict which will show progress from 2011's Roman Landik case, a so-called 'bigwig crime'. In July of 2011, Landik, the 37-year-old son of a national parliamentary figure, and himself a prominent personage, was caught on CCTV repeatedly punching a girl, Maria Korshunov, grabbing her by the throat and dragging her across the floor of a restaurant by her hair. The argument began when the (recently married) Landik tried to flirt with Korshunov, who refused his advances and the drink he attempted to force on her. Landik's response was to rain down blows in a sustained assault lasting several minutes. One of the most disturbing factors of the incident was the passivity of the other diners, in what was a busy establishment - while Maria's friend called police, restaurant patrons looked on with a mixture of indifference and some irritation at having their dinner disturbed. The waitress, meanwhile, deposited the bill on Korshunov's table in the midst of the beating, and walked off. The battered Korshunov spent several days in the neurological department of the local Luhansk hospital, suffering from concussion, bruises and a nervous breakdown. Landik had probably thought that was the end of that, and it may ordinarily have been. However, the upload of the video onto YouTube provoked a wave of protest and a warrant was issued for his arrest. He initially fled to Russia, and before being sent back gave a series of statements indicating that he was the real victim, and that Korshunov and he would be friends in future. Landik returned to Ukraine to pay Korshunov an undisclosed sum, which was taken into account when the court handed down a three-year suspended sentence. Independent lawyer Natalya Petrova went so far as to claim this represented standard legal practice, "Speaking as a lawyer, it is clear there is a beating, there is a crime. But she (the victim) agreed to a sum of compensation... If she had not taken money, the decision would have been different." In developed legal systems, any such compensation would have been paid after a successful conviction, not as appears in this case, instead. Critics of the Ukrainian legal system viewed this as simply another example of a 'bigwig crime', whereby the rich can largely do as they please. As Makar lay in the burns centre in Donetsk, dying from her wounds, she was filmed by her mother, and the video posted on YouTube. Makar is clearly suffering, as her mother coaxes the girl to wave the stump that was her right arm to the camera, and persists in getting her to repeat, "I'll live while I'm alive." At around the same time, a video was posted of an 18th birthday party in Ukraine, in which a fight breaks out. In the fracas, the young men start indiscriminately and brutally beating up the young ladies. They do so in both a callous and casual manner, causing many commenting on the video to observe what seasoned hands they seemed at it. And on exactly the same day as the Makar attack, another teenage girl from the area, Aleksandra Popova, was also hospitalized after being beaten by a male perpetrator. Popova remained unconscious for weeks, before recovering. Male on female violence in Ukraine is far from an isolated incident, as statistics substantiate, with one in four murders in Ukraine a result of domestic violence, meaning over 1000 women in a given year die at the hands of their boyfriend or spouse. Statistics further record that a third of Ukrainian women have been faced with domestic violence in their adult lives. interviewed Liza Rai, of La Strada, a group in operation since 1997 working against human trafficking, domestic violence, gender inequality and children's rights violations. What are your thoughts on the Makar case? It's been a terrible and shocking incident, firstly for the girl and her family, but also for Ukrainian society. Some of the attitudes exposed by the case have been frightening, in terms of some thinking that in some way she was responsible for what happened to her, because of her lifestyle or behaviour. And of that contention? Any woman can, and should be able to dress as she likes without fear of reprisals. Any woman should be able to behave freely without threat of brutality. In this case, Oksana Makar was, and had been since her early life, a victim. She was in need of society's care and support to help her achieve some kind of normal adult life. What punishment should be given to the accused? The maximum sentence for the crime they are accused of is life imprisonment. If they are indeed convicted, then, given the extreme brutality of the crime, life imprisonment should certainly be passed down. What are the causes behind the problem of violence against women? The causes are deep-rooted and manifold. Firstly, if a child is either the victim of domestic violence or witness to it, there is a strong chance they will one day perpetrate themselves. There is also the issue that in Ukrainian society, we sometimes simply don't care enough about each other. We have a proverb here, "my house is at the end of the city, and I don't want to know anything about my neighbours", which gives you an idea of the mentality. When people see a woman being beaten, their first reaction is often not to intervene, but ignore. On top of this, you have the hard economic realities of Ukraine. That of low salaries, and of salaries not being paid on time. Tensions over money can swiftly escalate into violence - especially when alcohol is involved. Now, in addition to this, women are becoming stronger and more independent in society, something some men see as a threat for which violence should be used to suppress. And the laws dealing with the issue? There is a law, the 2001 law "On the Prevention of Violence in the Family" (The Advocates for Human Rights 17 July 2009; OSI 2007, 21), which was amended in 2008. Before the 2008 amendment, police had been allowed to shift blame from perpetrator to victim. The 2008 act also gave additional powers in terms of detention of accused, and the rights of non-married victims. It furthermore eliminated what had been a common mitigating plea, that of "provocative behaviour" of the defendant, and increased punishments. So, we have the law in place - its application, though, is another story. Many times, even now, the woman is simply told to 'sort it out within her own family'. Judges similarly don't really want to get involved, and tend to rush these cases through with a fine. The tragic irony is that the man who beats his wife pays the fine, but of course that money comes out of the family budget. So, the woman who has been beaten now has less money to feed her family. Now, Ukraine has signed, and is soon to ratify, EU Convention #210 on the elimination of all forms of violence against women. What can be done to solve the problem? Firstly, it comes down to education. It must be instilled in children from an early age that violence against women is morally abhorrent. Secondly, there needs to be acknowledgement in Ukrainian society of both the scale of the situation and how unacceptable it is, in any sphere or setting, against any victim. Men need to know that they will be punished for what they do, and before they do anything, they need to stop for a moment, and think that the person they are about to hurt is a human being, weaker than them. Alcohol doesn't excuse anything.

Russian billionaire builds spaceship-like house for Naomi Campbell in Moscow

Russian billionaire, the chairman of Board of Directors of Capital Group, Vladislav Doronin, has built a futuristic mansion for his girlfriend Naomi Campbell in Moscow's suburban area known as Rublyovka. The house for the supermodel looks like a spaceship. The unusual house was designed by famous British architect of Arab origin Zaha Hadid. The Russian entrepreneur plans to present the house to the famous British model when they become husband and wife. The house of 2,500 square meters is called Capital Hill Residence. The building consists of two 22-meter-high towers and is designed in ecostyle - a mixture of modern technologies and natural forms. The white mansion stands aloof amidst pine trees. the planning of the house is impressive. The basement will house a Finnish sauna, a hamam (Turkish bath) and a Russian bath. A huge gym is next door. The basement also houses a guest room. On the upper level, there is a reception hall, an indoor swimming pool, a dining room and a kitchen. The house has two children's rooms. The interior of the house is designed in Eco-style. The designer was inspired by the work of legendary Barcelona architect Antonio Gaudi, who did not accept straight lines and liked to use wood and glass in interior decoration. Interestingly, Zaha Hadid does not specialize in private housing. The futuristic mansion for the Russian businessman is a first for her. Hadid has several high-profile projects in her experience: the opera house in Guangzhou, Roca Gallery, the Aquatics Center in London and many other iconic buildings. According to chief architect of "Moscow City" business complex Gennady Sirota, "it is clear that Doronin wants to stand out, while the architect can not resist the proposed fee." It goes about a fee of six zeros, Sirota believes. However, other experts believe that the price of the futuristic project may vary within thousands of dollars, rather than millions. The official website of Zaha Hadid displays sketches and photos of the building on Rublyovka, as well as its interior. According to the designer, she cooperates with Vladislav Doronin on the project. In addition to the mansion for Naomi, she designed "Picturesque Tower" residential complex in Moscow in 2005 on the order from Capital Group. Zaha Hadid is a frequent guest in Moscow. In May 2004, she arrived in St. Petersburg for Pritzker Prize ceremony, which took place in the Hermitage Theater. Zaha was the first woman in the world to receive this award. In 2004, Zaha lectured at the Central House of Architect in Moscow. In 2005, she gave a master class during ARCH Moscow exhibition. Zaha Hadid is a member of the International Advisory Committee for the establishment of Melnikov House museum in Moscow. In the summer of 2008, she brought her unusual work to the Russian capital - Mobile Art Pavilion. The pavilion was a publicity stunt by Chanel fashion house. It was reminiscent of quilted Chanel handbag, but used as a mobile gallery. The pavilion can be used as a mini-museum or gallery to showcase art. As for real estate, which Vladislav Doronin gives to his girlfriend, Naomi Campbell already has a penthouse in Brazil, not far from Sao Paulo. Doronin bought it for $18.5 million. In 2011, Doronin financed the construction of the Eye of Horus villa in Turkey for Naomi. The building was built in the form of the right eye of the Egyptian deity. The building, designed by young architect from Spain, Luis de Garrido, became a birthday present for Naomi. In Moscow, Naomi owns an apartment that Doronin bought her.

Russia Accused Of Abducting Dissident From Ukraine To Face Protest Charges

MOSCOW, Russia -- Anti-Putin activist Leonid Razvozzhayev says he was thrown into van, returned to Moscow and tortured until he 'confessed'. Leonid Razvozzhayev spoke quickly from the bed of his one-man jail cell. "I'm scared to stay here alone," he told the group of prison rights activists who had come to visit him. "I'm afraid those men – the ones who took me me, who tortured me – will come back." Razvozzhayev, a 39-year-old anti-Putin activist and aide to an opposition MP, flew to Ukraine last week amid a spiralling crackdown on Russia's opposition. Just a day after he arrived, Russian prosecutors opened a criminal investigation into him, the first step to bringing charges for allegedly organising mass unrest and a potential 10-year jail sentence. Thus Razvozzhayev began the long process of bidding for political asylum – and in the midst of it disappeared, only to turn up at a Moscow prison two days later. Razvozzhayev's story – one of alleged abduction, torture, death threats and forced confessions – has sent a bolt of fear and anger through those opposed to Russia's powerful president. It is the latest, and perhaps most convoluted, tale to emerge from the Kremlin's attempt to put down the opposition that emerged to challenge Putin's return to power earlier this year. "He's not sure what day it is – he's in such a state, under such pressure," said Zoya Svetova, one of the five activists who visited Razvozzhayev on Tuesday. Svetova is a journalist for the New Times, an opposition magazine, in which she described her conversation with Razvozzhayev. Razvozzhayev told the group how he had left Russia for neighbouring Ukraine on 15 October. The next day, prosecutors in Moscow opened a criminal investigation into him and two fellow activists in the socialist Left Front – its leader, Sergei Udaltsov, and Konstantin Lebedev. They were suspected of plotting mass unrest and terrorist attacks in Russia, investigators said, citing a propaganda report on state-run television that claimed to show the men plotting revolution. Fearing the worst if he were to return to Russia, Razvozzhayev, an aide to outspoken parliamentary deputy Ilya Ponomaryov, decided to seek political asylum and approached the United Nations high commissioner for refugees (UNHCR) on 19 October. They directed him to a partner organisation for legal counselling. The talks were long. He went out for a sandwich – and never came back. Razvozzhayev said four men were waiting for him at the exit. "They threw me in a minivan," the New Times quoted him as saying. "They put a tight black hat on me, so I couldn't see anything, and tied my arms and legs up with tape. And we were off." UNHCR issued a statement saying it was "deeply concerned" about his disappearance. They drove for hours in near total silence, Razvozzhayev said. At what he believes was the Russia-Ukraine border, he was put into another minivan and driven further. Once they stopped, he was handcuffed and dragged into a cellar and interrogated for two days, he said, alleging psychological torture. "For two days they didn't let me go to the toilet. I didn't eat, I didn't drink the whole time," Razvozzhayev told the prison rights activists. The handcuffs never came off, he added. The unidentified men pressured him into signing a confession and implicating his fellow activists, Razvozzhayev alleged. "They told me: if you don't answer our questions, then your children will be killed," he told the group. "I agreed to say what they wanted." He was then taken to the headquarters of the investigative committee in Moscow, a body akin to the FBI. Video obtained by Life News, a tabloid, and aired on its website on Sunday evening showed Razvozzhayev being transferred from the building to a waiting police van, shouting "Tell them I've been tortured". On Monday, the committee issued a statement saying Razvozzhayev had wilfully turned himself in. Officials have denied all claims of torture. The investigative committee charged Razvozzhayev on Tuesday and remanded him in custody for two months. Udaltsov is due to be charged on Friday, it said. The men face up to 10 years in prison if found guilty. "The massive persecution of dissidents in Russia is continuing," the opposition said in a joint statement on Wednesday." "The Russian authorities have turned to methods of direct pressure of force against its opponents." Activists held a day-long protest outside the headquarters of the federal security service, the main successor to the KGB, on Wednesday. "One week ago, we didn't think that a person could be abducted and forced into a confession," Svetova told the Guardian. "We didn't think it was possible to open a criminal case because of a TV programme. This didn't even exist in the Soviet Union. Who knows what's next." On Tuesday, the Russian parliament passed the latest in a string of laws that activists warn are designed to crack down on the opposition. The law, which must be signed by Putin before coming into force, expands the definition of high treason to include vague wording that could be used against any Russian who speaks to a foreigner, activists warned.

US And EU Warn Yanukovych On Coming Vote

NEW YORK, USA -- The United States and the European Union, in a strong joint message on Wednesday, urged President Viktor Yanukovych and his government to make sure upcoming general elections are free and fair. Hillary Clinton, the U.S. Secretary of State, and Catherine Ashton, the EU foreign affairs and security policy chief, said the elections will shape Ukraine’s future relations with the West. In a 676-word article published by The New York Times just three days before the elections, Clinton and Ashton said there were “worrying trends,” expressing concerns over reports the authorities may have been helping pro-government candidates. “This is a moment when Ukraine’s leaders should deliver for their citizens,” Clinton and Ashton said in the article. “They expect President Viktor Yanukovych and his government to address these concerns, especially to ensure that the right to political participation is upheld and to provide for fair media access for all candidates.” This is the second message expressing concerns over the upcoming elections in Ukraine that was delivered publically by Clinton and Ashton over the past 30 days. At a meeting in New York last month, Clinton and Ashton expressed “regret” over selective prosecutions and imprisonment of former Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko. The messages show the U.S. and the EU have the same concerns and similar approaches towards Ukraine, suggesting the pressure will probably mount on the Ukrainian leaders to fix the problems. At stake is Ukraine’s future trade and political integration with the EU, which will be indefinitely postponed by Brussels if the country continues. The EU and Ukraine completed negotiations on an ambitious Association Agreement that will provide for the country’s political association and economic integration with the European Union, including by establishing a free trade area. It would offer Ukrainian businesses greater access to 500 million consumers in the EU and advance Ukraine on the path toward a modern European democracy. But the EU will only be able to move forward with such an ambitious agenda if the “democratic rights of the Ukrainian people, including freedoms of expression, political participation, association and media, are respected, the rule of law is put on strong footing, and progress is made on the overall reform agenda,” Clinton and Ashton wrote. The U.S. and the EU pointed to the increasing use of administrative resources to favor ruling party candidates and the difficulties several media outlets face. “Similarly, we are concerned about the continuation of the practice of the Central Election Commission holding closed pre-session meetings and the lack of representation of some political parties on district and precinct election commissions,” Clinton and Ashton wrote. “Distribution of material or financial benefits to voters is another issue that should be investigated and halted.” “We regret that the convictions of opposition leaders during trials that did not meet international standards are preventing them from standing in parliamentary elections,” Clinton and Ashton wrote. “The Ukrainian government needs to address these selective prosecutions, including the case of former Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko and other former senior officials.” “It remains deeply in our common interest to see an independent, prosperous and irreversibly democratic Ukraine that is associated with the European Union. We want to pursue deeper, mutually beneficial partnerships with Ukraine and will continue working toward a day where Ukraine will fully realize its own potential and take its place among the modern democracies of Europe.”

New Player Shakes Up Ukraine Before Sunday Vote

KIEV, Ukraine -- Vitaly Klitschko stands two meters tall and punches so hard they call him "Dr. Ironfist." Now the World Boxing Council's reigning heavyweight champion is fighting a new battle, Ukraine's parliamentary elections. On Sunday, Ukrainians vote for an entirely new 450-member parliament. Klitschko has come back from Germany to run for parliament, and to pull this massive nation of 44 million people toward Europe. "We are fighting for what is right," he told a rally audience in Kiev on Thursday night. "We are fighting for ideas - and they are fighting for money. And that is why I'm confident that we can build a normal state. The Poles, Czechs, Hungarians and the Georgians could do it. We are Ukrainians, and we can do it too." Klitschko campaigns against the corruption that many people believe has hobbled Ukraine's growth since it gained independence 21 years ago. Kazakhstan, with barely one-third of Ukraine's population, now has a bigger economy. Klitschko adds "punch" Klitschko's party is called UDAR, Ukrainian for punch. Klitschko and Udar are not expected to win by a knockout. But his party has soared in opinion polls to second place, displacing the coalition of Yulia Tymoshenko, the braided diva of the opposition. But Tymoshenko cannot run. She is in jail, serving a seven-year jail term for abuse of office when she was prime minister. She charges she was jailed on orders of her political rival, President Viktor Yanukovych. Less than three years after winning election, Yanukovych has seen his approval rating dwindle to 13 percent. But his ruling Party of Regions is expected to get enough votes Sunday to form a parliamentary majority with the Communist Party of Ukraine. A divided opposition Olexiy Haran, a political scientist with Kiev Mohyla University, explains why. "It's the oppression of freedom of press," he says. "It's the pressure on independent TV channel. It's the pressure on opposition. It's bribery. It's the use of so-called administrative resources, direct interference in the campaign." University student Vyacheslav, 22, says he is going to vote for Tymoshenko's opposition party. "[I will vote for] Yulia Tymoshenko, because I don't like Yanukoych and his party, and I don't like the political situation in my country" he said. "And I hope that it will be better in the future." After years of political paralysis and an economy growing this year by only 1 percent, many Ukrainians have lost faith in politicians. Julia, 27, an office manager, says that some of her friends will vote Sunday "against all." Interviewed on Kiev's Maidan square, the site of the 2004 democracy protests now remembered as the "Orange Revolution," she said: "This year, I don't think that everyone will go for voting, because people were disappointed with our last elections." But looking ahead, many say the electoral performance of "Dr. Ironfist" on Sunday will give a clear indication of his viability in Ukraine's presidential election campaign, two years from now.

In Ukraine, Voters Choose: Democracy Or Dictatorship

KIEV, Ukraine -- A strongman, a boxer and a soft-spoken candidate campaigning on behalf of a jailed former prime minister: Ukraine’s parliamentary elections Sunday are seen as a decisive point in the future direction of a country that only won independence from Russia 21 years ago and since then has seen years of economic and political turmoil. But many locals are bemoaning their lack of choice. “What will change? You have crooks on one side, crooks on the other side,” said Oleg Archipenko, 46, who owns a small clothing store on the outskirts of Kiev. “Of course we must vote – it is our right to vote and we must do it. But the choice is not great.” Nervous Ukrainians were lining up at banks and currency exchange stalls all week to buy dollars and euros out of concern that their local currency, the hryvnia, will fall after the vote. President Viktor Yanukovych’s Party of Regions is expected to outperform his rivals, including those in the Fatherland Party of jailed former prime minster Yulia Tymoshenko and heavyweight boxing champion Vitali Klitschko’s Ukrainian Democratic Alliance for Reform. In the eight years since the Orange Revolution brought down Mr. Yanukovych, a narrow electoral win in 2010 over Ms. Tymoshenko has allowed him to regain and firm up his tight hold on the country. “This is a pivotal moment for Ukraine because the oligarch government of Mr. Yanukovych has brought us to a crossroads at which [Ukrainians] must choose between becoming a normal democracy or a dictatorship,” said Pavlo Khazan, a Green Party candidate in east-central Ukraine. “I fully believe that when we look back, we will understand that 2012 was the point [where our future] path was chosen.” Fronting the ruling party’s campaign is Prime Minister Mykola Azarov, a Soviet-style leader who rarely mingles with crowds and prefers to give speeches and Facebook updates. His main message is how the party has restored stability and economic growth to the nation after the chaotic rule of the warring Orange team of former leader Viktor Yushchenko and Ms. Tymoshenko. Since the 2004 Orange Revolution, which was sparked by allegations of large-scale electoral fraud, the country has continued to struggle with corruption, crippling debt and a wobbly currency while billionaire oligarchs continue to rake in profits. Mild-mannered Arseniy Yatsenyuk, standing in for the jailed Ms. Tymoshenko as the lead for the opposition Fatherland Party, hopes his party will build on its current 98 seats in parliament by joining forces with seven minor parties. But some say that the party has channelled all its energy into Ms. Tymoshenko’s release, neglecting to put forward convincing plans to turn the country around and betting on sympathy for a politician many distrust. “[Ms. Tymoshenko] is more popular in the West than in Ukraine,” Wojciech Kononczuk, an analyst at Warsaw-based Centre for Eastern Studies said. “She is [seen as] one of the most untrustworthy politicians in Ukraine – in the eyes of simple Ukrainian voters, she’s perceived as a part of the system.” In 2011, Ms. Tymoshenko was convicted of criminal abuse of office for concluding a natural-gas deal with Russia disadvantageous to Ukraine and sentenced to seven years in prison. It was a conviction widely seen as political retribution and one that knocked her out of the race for this year’s parliamentary election. Meanwhile, Mr. Klitschko’s party has been rising in the polls, drawing large and enthusiastic crowds in campaign stops across the nation. “People are angry,” Mr. Klitschko told the Kyiv Post newspaper between campaign stops earlier this month. “This unites people all over the country – their attitude to the ruling party, which has failed in all their promises.” But as a newcomer to politics, analysts say the sportsman looks unequipped to deal with the tough challenges that any new government will have to tackle. A survey published shortly before an Oct. 18 poll blackout showed Mr. Yanukovych’s ruling party leading with 23.3-per-cent support. Even so, it indicated that the Ukrainian public has little faith in either of the major parliamentary factions. “There is a rising dissatisfaction in Ukraine toward politicians and politics,” said Mr. Kononczuk. “The Orange Revolution was a moment when simple Ukrainians believed that they could truly change the country. [Now they] are more disappointed than ever by the situation [here].” Analysts say the opposition is expected to prevent Mr. Yanukovych’s forces from amassing a two-thirds majority of 300 seats that would allow the president to change the constitution. Some fear that given such powers, he would try to cancel presidential elections scheduled for 2015 and revert to a system in which parliament elects the top leader. Andriy Magera, the deputy head of the Central Election Commission in Ukraine, has already called this campaign the dirtiest of the four elections he’s been involved in.

Ukraine Flounders As Apathetic Voters Head To The Polls

KIEV, Ukraine -- Ukrainians are taking part in elections for a new parliament on Sunday, the first national vote since President Victor Yanukovych repudiated the Orange Revolution by coming to power nearly three years ago. His Regions Party is expected to win in voting few Ukrainians expect to be fair. That’s testament to how much the country has changed since 2010, when international observers applauded the presidential election as its best ever, an affirmation of one of the Orange Revolution’s most tangible and important effects. Yanukovych has since embarked on a drive to entrench himself in power by reversing many of those gains, something Sunday’s elections appear set to reinforce. Although Ukraine’s depressing turn away from democratization and integration into the international community was entirely predictable back then, most observers at the time said it didn’t really matter who won. Yanukovich, a onetime street thug who served time in jail for assault before becoming a Communist Party functionary, may have helped prompt the Orange Revolution in 2004 by claiming victory in rigged elections. But surely he’d mend his ways once faced with the constraints of office — so held the conventional wisdom. Besides, Tymoshenko — a billionaire who made her fortune in the highly shady gas trading business — was no less corrupt. And she did nutty, populist things as prime minster, such as promising to renationalize industries and whipping up fears about bird flu. The conventional wisdom couldn’t have been more wrong. For all her faults, Tymoshenko was the country’s best hope in January 2010. Nowhere was that more apparent than in the difference between the two campaign headquarters set up in fancy hotels within several ice-covered blocks of each other. Tymoshenko’s traditionally well-catered affair buzzed with some of the best and the brightest young journalists, scholars and observers who mixed easily until the rock-star candidate made her glittering appearances. Yanukovych’s resembled an ex-cons’ convention: ruddy faces ill at ease in shiny suits sipping champagne by themselves around big round tables. When Tymoshenko failed to immediately concede the election, observers from the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe accused her of threatening the country’s democratic gains, which they said would be best served by a quick handover to Yanukovich. The truth emerged very quickly. Yanukovych set about pressuring critical media into dropping reports about corruption. He changed the law to appoint judges, used police to pressure the opposition and installed cronies in office. Charged with abusing office, Tymoshenko languishes in jail for signing a gas deal with Russia that would have helped transform notoriously closed gas industry and minimize Russian influence by agreeing on internationally competitive prices. It also ended Moscow’s insistence on using a notorious middle company, a typical way profits are skimmed from the state gas monopoly Gazprom. Tymoshenko’s ally, former Interior Minister Yury Lutsenko, is also now in jail on charges his driver embezzled $45,000. Other opposition leaders, too, have been arrested or forced into exile. Perhaps most damaging for the country’s future have been Yanukovych’s moves to divert Ukraine from its westward course. The new government ended the drive to join the EU and NATO, and extended Russia’s lease on the Black Sea naval base of Sevastopol. In return, Moscow gave Ukraine a discount on the amount it pays for gas in a deal that helped roll back the previous administration's policy of minimizing Moscow’s influence. The kind of corrupt business practices Gazprom exports to other countries take place behind the scenes. But there are more visible signs of regression. Ukraine apparently is no longer a haven for Kremlin critics who fear for their safety at home, after an activist from a group the Russian government is systematically targeting was abducted and returned to Moscow last week after he applied to the UN for political asylum. That doesn’t mean relations with Russia are good. Yanukovych hasn’t proved to be the pliant client the Kremlin had hoped he’d be. Ukrainians have bridled at the Kremlin’s condescension, which appeared to reach a high point when Russian President Vladimir Putin kept his Ukrainian counterpart waiting for hours while he met with a group of leather-clad bikers on a visit to Ukraine last summer.

Ukraine Votes With Opposition Leader In Jail

KIEV, Ukraine -- Ukrainians are electing a parliament on Sunday in a crucial vote tainted by the jailing of top opposition leader Yulia Tymoshenko and fears of election fraud. With the charismatic former premier serving a seven-year sentence on abuse of office charges and the opposition split into two parties, President Viktor Yanukovych's Party of Regions is expected to retain its parliamentary majority. The West is paying close attention to the conduct of the vote in the strategic ex-Soviet state, which lies between Russia and the expanding European Union and is responsible for transporting energy supplies to many EU countries. A strong showing by the Party of Regions will cement Yanukovych's grip on power and likely turn Ukraine further away from the West. Ukraine's relations with the U.S. and the European Union have soured over the jailing of Tymoshenko, pushing Brussels to shelve a long-awaited partnership deal with Kiev. If the West turns a cold shoulder on Ukraine, Moscow is likely to court Kiev to create a greater economic and political alliance. The pro-Western opposition groups hope to gain enough parliament seats to challenge Yanukovych's power and undo what they call his undemocratic and harmful policies, such as the jailing of Tymoshenko and her top allies, the concentration of power in the hands of the president, the upgrading of the status of the Russian language, which some believe poses a threat to the Ukrainian tongue, waning press freedoms, a deteriorating business climate and growing corruption. Dmitry Kovalenko, a 50-year-old entrepreneur in Kiev said he voted for Tymoshenko's Fatherland party in hopes of ending Yanukovych's monopoly on power. "I am against repression," Kovalenko said after casting his ballot in a polling station in central Kiev. "It's easy to win when your opponents are in jail." But the opposition has been weakened with Tymoshenko, the 51-year-old heroine of the 2004 Orange Revolution that had ousted Yanukovych from power, in jail. Tymoshenko's Fatherland party is running neck-to-neck with another pro-Western group, the Udar (Punch) party led by world boxing champion Vitali Klitschko. Klitschko's party has gained popularity in recent months, capitalizing on voter disappointment with both Yanukovych and Tymoshenko's years in power, which were marked by a slow pace of reforms and constant bickering in the Orange camp. "We've tasted both the orange and the blue and life hasn't changed for the better," said Zhanna Holovko, a 43-year-old high school teacher in Keiv referring to the campaign colors of the Orange revolution team and Yanukovych's party. "I am voting for a third force that I can trust," Holovko said after voting for Klitschko's group. The opposition's failure to form a strong alliance has played into the hands of Yanukovych. And while Tymoshenko's and Klitschko's parties are expected to make a strong showing in elections by party lists, half of the 450 seats in the Verkhovna Rada will be allocated to the winners of individual races where the Party of Regions are stronger. Yanukovych has centered his party's campaign on bringing stability after years of infighting in the Orange camp and relative economic recovery after the global financial crisis, which hit Ukraine severely. "Stability, stability, stability is what Ukraine needs," said Olexiy Nalivaichenko, 35, a civil servant in Kiev, who voted for Yanukovych's party. "We want to feel confident and secure about tomorrow." Also expected to get into parliament is the Communist party, which is expected to side with Yanukovych's lawmakers. Another party that could pass the 5 percent threshold is the nationalist Svoboda (Freedom), a staunch government critic infamous for xenophobic and anti-Semitic statements. Besides Tymoshenko's jailing, which already raises big questions about the fairness of the vote, preliminary reports by international observers have identified numerous other problems during the election campaign. They include the use of state funds, bureaucracy and facilities by the ruling party in support of their candidates, media coverage on television tilted toward the Party of Regions, reports of intimidation of opposition candidates and the opposition's fears of ballot stuffing and other vote fraud.

Ukrainian Man Accused Of Disturbing Delta Flight

SALT LAKE CITY, USA -- A Ukrainian man, hung over from a 50-day drinking binge, said he believed the wing of the airplane was on fire when he disrupted a Salt Lake City-bound Delta Air Lines flight and had to be wrestled to the floor by passengers, authorities allege in a criminal complaint. Anatoliy N. Baranovich, 46, made his initial appearance in federal court Wednesday on complaints of damaging and disabling an aircraft and interfering with a flight crew. Federal authorities said Baranovich woke up during the plane's descent, started yelling in Russian and tried to open the rear exit door, damaging the plane's fuselage, before being restrained by passengers. U.S. Magistrate Paul Warner scheduled a detention hearing for Friday. Fellow passenger Mike Riegelman, a Boston resident who was flying in first class en route to Boise, Idaho, for a business trip, said Wednesday he was torn between feeling sorry for Baranovich and being impressed by the Ukrainian's drinking prowess. "He scared a lot of people though," Riegelman said. Baranovich boarded Delta Air Lines Flight 1215, bound for Salt Lake City, Monday evening in Boston. He was headed to Portland, Ore. According to the criminal complaint filed Tuesday in U.S. District Court, Baranovich had been visiting family in the Ukraine for several weeks in an attempt to begin construction on a house. Unsuccessful in his efforts, Baranovich instead got drunk for the entire 50 days and "never sobered up." After the plane touched down, Baranovich got up from his seat and ran to the back of the aircraft, according to the complaint. He then tried to open the emergency exit door as a flight attendant ordered him to stop. The door jammed and caused an emergency inflatable slide to malfunction, which caused "extensive damage" to the plane's fuselage, the FBI said. Several passengers tried to wrestle Baranovich to the ground while he attempted to open another emergency exit door. One passenger forced him to the ground and held him until the plane taxied to a gate, where law enforcement and medical personnel had been called. Flight attendants announced that there was a medical emergency on board, Riegelman said, but a neighboring passenger had told him the rear door was open. Police cars greeted the plane at the terminal, he said. "The flight attendant was a big guy, and he went screaming to the back of the plane. I've never seen a big guy that big move that fast," Riegelman said. "Delta handled it well and, obviously, the passengers held onto the guy. The good news is people are alert and willing to help." Baranovich appeared "completely disheveled" after being escorted off the plane by police, Riegelman said. Baranovich was carrying a Ukrainian passport and U.S. visa. Officials said they do not believe he posed a terrorist threat. If convicted, Baranovich faces up to 20 years in federal prison for each count.

'Barbie Flu' Spreading In Ukraine

ODESSA, Ukraine -- Ukrainian girls from the city of Odessa keep making the news for altering their appearance in dramatic fashion. The story of a girl who turned herself into a real life Barbie doll has spread across the globe and the saga continues. Two more girls, Anime and Dominika, have become living dolls and received publicity for their disturbing looks. Anime, 19-year-old Anastasiya Shpagina, transformed herself into an anime character and never leaves the house without makeup. Applying the makeup takes Anime a few hours to accomplish so she wakes up at 5 a.m. to make it to work on time. When she walks down the street in a fairy-like outfit, with long purplish hair, looking at the world with her raccoon-like eyes, it doesn’t go unnoticed. “I don’t pay attention to reactions, the most important thing for me is my comfort,” Anime said during a talk show on a Ukrainian TV channel. In interviews with Anime, which appeared on mainstream television in Ukraine and Russia over the past months, she gave the impression of being a pleasant, slightly naïve, girl, who is living in a dream and plays a fairy in a fairytale. She subsists almost entirely on honey-dew—no bread, meat or fish; mostly fruit and veggies. However, she is probably not as naïve as a fairy—her extreme makeup and unconventional style serve as a great promotional tool. Anime is a hairdresser and makeup artist so all that publicity will, hopefully, work well for her career. She said that right now she’s interested in focusing on her work, but in the future would like to move out of the city and have a family. She says she doesn’t have a boyfriend and states that she would like to have plastic surgery to enlarge her eyes, to make them the size of the ones she paints on her face with makeup. She claims she hasn’t had any plastic surgery and her look is only the visual effect of styling and make up. Unlike her, Barbie – also known as Valeriya Lukyanova – and her friend, Olga Oleynik, aka Dominika, had breast surgeries and accentuate their “Barbiness” with long hair, giant eyes, contact lenses, small mouths, tiny waists, curvy hips, full busts, and slightly manipulative unemotional manners. In a talk show, Barbie said her measurements were 86/47/86, in centimeters, which in inches equals 33.85/18.5/33.85. Olga Oleynik said that she has had breast surgery to balance the proportion with her hips because she is all about harmony and perfection. What is it that makes these girls turn themselves into living dolls? A struggle for perfection or escape from reality? It seems to have a connection to “Barbie doll syndrome” – when young girls try to attain impossible standards of beauty – but with Odessa girls it varies from case to case. Anime seems to be a young girl who’s not completely comfortable in her skin and experiments with styles. Anime’s body image doesn’t radiate Barbie’s sexiness. She says the world is cruel and is full of unhappy people and it’s easier to live the way she does, creating a fairy tale for herself. Barbie, whose spiritual name is Amatue, openly says she exploits her looks as internet PR to attract people to her lectures on esoteric subjects where – for $80 per person – she teaches astral projection. Dominika seems to be similar to Barbie and calls herself her spiritual sister. They appear together in interviews and talk about esoteric matters. She positions herself as an artist and a fashion designer. Whatever this ‘Barbie-Flu’ in Odessa is, it seems to be creating a phenomena that the world is watching with great interest, clicking through the weird pictures and videos, looking into their doll-like eyes. Barbie, Anime, Dominika—what’s next?

Syria Kidnappers Must Free Ukraine Journalist

BEIRUT, Lebanon -- An international media watchdog condemned on Thursday the kidnapping of a Ukrainian journalist who has been held in Syria since October 9. Ankhar Kochneva, "who contributes to several Russian media outlets and also works as an interpreter, is believed to be held by a faction of the (rebel) Free Syrian Army somewhere between Tartus and Damascus," Reporters Without Borders (RSF) said in a statement. RSF "deplores the abduction of the Ukrainian journalist... and calls for her release," the Paris-based organisation said. Kochneva has been in Syria since October last year, the statement said. According to Russia Today, she travelled to the coastal province of Tartus on October 8. A day later, she confirmed by telephone that she had been kidnapped, RSF said. "The Ukrainian foreign ministry reported she was being held in 'satisfactory conditions,'" RSF said. Another three foreign journalists have been missing in Syria since August. Cuneyt Unal and Bashar Fahmi, who work for US broadcaster Al-Hurra, disappeared in the northern province of Aleppo on August 20. "Only Unal has given any sign of life, albeit under duress," RSF said. US freelance journalist Austin Tice, who contributes to several prestigious outlets, disappeared on August 13 in a suburb of Damascus, it said. An Internet video later surfaced showing Tice, blindfolded, but which lacked enough information to draw conclusions about his current condition or whereabouts. The watchdog has called on both the regime and the opposition to halt abuses against media workers. Fourteen professional journalists have been killed over the course of the Syrian conflict. Another 38 citizen journalists have been killed, RSF says. Syria is ranked 176th out of 179 countries on RSF's press freedom index.

Ukraine Negotiates USD 1 Billion Credit Line With World Bank

KIEV, Ukraine -- World Bank is ready to increase the volume of annual credit to Ukraine to USD 1 billion due to high efficiency of using the bank's assets. This statement was made at the Tokyo meeting between the World Bank Vice President for Europe and Central Asia region Philippe Le Houérou and Minister of Trade and Economic Development of Ukraine Petro Poroshenko, reports LB. The vice president of the World Bank noted that Ukraine had significantly improved its portfolio of the World Bank investment projects and provided a record high level of the bank's assets application compared to previous years, announced the Ukrainian Ministry of Trade and Economic Development. Notably, according to the World Bank's country partnership strategy 2012-2016 for Ukraine, which was announced in February 2012, the international financial institution agreed to facilitate loans to Ukraine in the amount of up to USD 500 million per annum with USD 400 million coming from its own assets. The Bank has informed of the possibility to increase the loan limit and the range of tools in the event of acceleration of reforms and improvement of the governance. At the same time it promised to leave the funding at moderate level if the implementation of reforms falters. The most recent World Bank - EU report on the effectiveness of state budget management showed that Ukraine had fallen into the category of countries that provide a significant amount of budget information to its citizens. "In fact, budget transparency, including availability of budget information to the public, is one of the world's best," said Oleksiy Balabushko, Public Sector Economist at World Bank, during the presentation of the report. Ukraine scored 62 points on the scale of availability of budget information to the public. This is comparable to Czech Republic (62 points) and Spain (63). Ukraine joined World Bank in 1992. So far, the organization has provided over USD 7 billion in loans for 39 projects in Ukraine. The last project was the construction/repair works of the Kiev-Kharkiv and Poltava-Lubny highway which required about USD 450 million of the World Bank investment.

Brazil, Ukraine Set Satellite Launch For 2014

BRASILIA, Brazil -- Brazilian President Dilma Rousseff and Ukrainian counterpart Victor Yanukovich agreed Friday on a plan to launch a jointly developed satellite from the South American nation in 2014. The two leaders spoke by telephone for 20 minutes about their countries' "strategic" partnership in the aerospace sector, spokespeople in Rousseff's office told Efe. That partnership dates from 2003, when Brazil and Ukraine embarked on the Cyclone 4 Alcantara project, which involves developing a launch vehicle to put satellites into orbit from the Alcantara base in the northeastern Brazilian state of Maranhao. The $588 million venture is part of Brazil's drive to join the club of countries capable of launching satellites, now limited to the United States, Russia, China, France, India, Israel, Japan and Ukraine. The first launch from Alcantara was initially scheduled for next year, but financial problems forced a postponement. Yanukovich took the opportunity of Friday's call to invite Rousseff to visit Ukraine sometime next year and the Brazilian president accepted the invitation, her office said.

PM: Russian Gas Price ‘Killing’ Ukraine

KIEV, Ukraine -- The high price of Russian natural gas is “killing” Ukraine, but the government will stay away from portraying Russia as an enemy, Prime Minister Mykola Azarov said Thursday. We are supporters of good neighborly relations with Russia,” Azarov said speaking with World War II veterans in Sevastopol, Interfax-Ukraine reported. “We will never let ourselves make Russia an enemy like the Orange coalition government did.” However, Azarov said Russia’s refusal to lower natural gas prices over the past 2.5 years is forcing the government to take steps that would provide energy independence. “We can’t pay such a high price for gas,” Azarov said. “This price is killing our economy. The prices like that are slowing down our economic growth and letting blood out of our economy.” “So, in a situation like this we are forced to take measures to develop our own energy base,” Azarov said. Ukraine has been trying over the past 2.5 years to persuade Russia to lower gas prices to between $230 and $250 per 1,000 cubic meters, down from $431/1,000 cu m it currently pays. Ukraine is expected to pay about $432/1,000 cu m for imported Russian gas in the first quarter of 2013, according to the Energy and Coal Industry Ministry. Ukraine, which imported 40 billion cubic meters of Russian gas in 2011, plans to reduce the imports to 27 billion cu m in 2012 and to 24.5 billion cu m in 2013, according to Energy and Fuel Minister Yuriy Boyko. Ukraine may stop importing Russian gas completely in 10 years, according to Azarov. Meanwhile, Russia has suggested Ukraine to join Moscow-based trade bloc, known as the Customs Union, in order to qualify for lower gas prices, he said earlier this month. Ukraine’s gas price would drop to $160/1,000 cu m after the joining of the Customs Union, but Azarov said this would undermine Ukraine’s plans to sign a free trade agreement with the European Union. The Customs Union, which includes Russia, Belarus and Kazakhstan, is responsible for up to 40% of Ukraine’s annual trade turnover, while the European Union accounts for 30%. Ukraine has been actively seeking to develop its own energy sources, such as coal and shale gas, but was also investing in building a $1 billion liquefied natural gas terminal on the Black Sea and awarding licenses to explore and develop offshore natural gas deposits.

Boxer Klitschko Sees "Fight Without Rules" In Ukraine Parliament

KIEV, Ukraine -- Heavyweight boxing champion Vitaly Klitschko is heading for a place in Ukraine's raucous parliament and he says he is squaring up for "a fight without rules" against President Viktor Yanukovich's ruling Party of the Regions. With less than three weeks left to an election for a new parliament, the Western-style liberal party of the two-meter-tall Klitschko has rocketed up the ratings. With opinion polls for the October 28 election showing his UDAR (Punch) party lying second on 16 percent support, the 41-year-old has cloaked his massive frame in the mantle of opposition leader left by the jailed Yulia Tymoshenko. His surge in support, if sustained, could translate into 60-70 seats in parliament for his party - handing Klitschko a powerful 'king-maker' role in the 450-seat assembly. And commentators are already seeing Klitschko - projecting an honest 'big-man' image that sells well in the former Soviet republic - as potential contender to rival Yanukovich for the presidency. "If you compare him with other leaders of the opposition, Klitschko wins out: he is new, he fulfills all the requirements of the Ukrainian hero - big, handsome, manly," said Mikhailo Pogrebinsky, director of the Kiev centre of political research. But in an interview in his Kiev office, Klitschko dodges a question on whether he sees himself as a possible successor to Yanukovich, now half-way through his five-year term. "I have not asked myself that question." Klitschko, almost two decades in the fight-game, made his money fairly, most of it outside Ukraine and - quite literally - with his own hands. With this background he is an attractive alternative to people angry, but powerless, in the face of cronyism and corruption, the wealth gap and the constant sniping between the ruling party and the traditional opposition. But big-hitter though Klitschko is, he faces a bruising challenge to survive in the arena of Ukrainian politics where most punches are below the belt. He has, for instance, been criticized for bringing into his team some old faces from the opposition, some of whom are politically tainted in the eyes of the electorate. They include a former finance minister and former state security chief. If Klitschko does enter parliament at the head of 40 or more deputies, he will have to ride hard on his team to stop any immediate defections - a common practice in Ukraine where deputies are often bribed into switching sides. The case of Viktor Yushchenko, the Orange Revolution leader who became president in 2005 and then lost support by chaotic policies, holds a lesson in the nature of Ukrainian politics. "Klitschko is being well received now as a leader. But he should recall the sad experience of Yushchenko," said Volodymyr Fesenko of the Penta think-tank. "There is the possibility that his ratings can drop before the election. The main thing for him is not to make any abrupt or poorly thought-out statements," added Fesenko. An absence of experience counts heavily against him, some say. "He is not ready for high political roles...yet he is effectively becoming pretender for the No. 2 post (prime minister) in the country," said Pogrebinsky. The reigning WBC heavyweight champion was known, in the ring, for keeping his opponents at bay with his long reach. But on the campaign trail, he mingles easily, diving into crowds to sign autographs and sharing jokes with well-wishers. His aims are to fight corruption and end poverty in the sprawling country of 46 million, he tells people. His informal manner - he dresses casually with an open-neck shirt - brings a refreshing change for an electorate used to the stuffier style of traditional besuited politicians. He appeals particularly to the young under 30s. In the interview, he rules out joining any parliamentary coalition with the pro-business Regions which is still expected to hang on to its majority in the new chamber. They represent the interests of the "financial-industrial" elite, he says. "Those in power today say they are fighting corruption, but their fight against corruption resembles a bee fighting honey," he says sarcastically. He says he will team up with the United Opposition, which includes Tymoshenko's Batkivshchyna party to tackle the Regions. The alarming reality for the opposition is that Klitschko also appeals to people disappointed with the old "Orange" order. The "Orange" leaders - Yushchenko and Tymoshenko - took power in 2005 after street protests against sleaze. But they then failed to deliver on their promises and, after years of bitter fighting among themselves, saw power slip from their hands when Yanukovich was elected in February 2010. Though Klitschko says he will team up with the United Opposition, which includes Batkivshchyna, to take on the Regions, he is bloodying their nose too. The ratings of the United Opposition are dropping under the impact of the Klitschko phenomenon while the Regions' ratings are staying stable at around the 23 percent mark. In Ukrainian politics, personalities and image count for more than programs and the image of Arseny Yatseniuk, a bespectacled, balding intellectual who heads the United Opposition, stands in stark contrast with that of Klitschko. "Yatseniuk, unlike Klitschko, is perceived as a "Mummy's boy", someone who talks a lot but says nothing, a populist," said Pogrebinsky. The Regions and its allies are hoping for an outcome which will cement Yanukovich's leadership and leave him poised to secure a second term in 2015. But his government has suffered because of unpopular tax and pension reforms and for failing to tackle widespread corruption that deters foreign investment that the country badly needs. Though Yanukovich's leadership says it is committed to taking Ukraine into mainstream Europe, relations with the EU have been stopped in their tracks by the jailing of Tymoshenko which the West says smacks of political vengeance. Tymoshenko was jailed for seven years last year on charges of abusing her office when she was prime minister. With indifferent relations also with Russia, Ukraine is now more isolated in Europe than it has been for several years. "The electors see in Klitschko the new opposition. Klitschko is perceived as the new symbol of hope," said Fesenko. "The voters need a ray of hope and for opposition-inclined voters Klitschko is the bright spot." His popularity as an globally acclaimed sportsman makes it hard for opponents to criticize or deride him in public. Klitschko, who trained in Germany for much of his boxing career, won 41 of his 45 victories on knockouts and is known as Dr. Ironfist because he holds a doctorate in sports science. On shelves behind him stand the works of the French writers Flaubert and Balzac, the full works of Lenin, Churchill's "Defense of Empire" and a book of boxing photographs bearing the face of former world champion Muhammad Ali on the cover. There are no pictures of contemporary Ukrainian leaders - only family snapshots: his wife, a former fashion model, and his boxing brother Vladimir who is current WBA heavyweight champion. Klitschko, who is preparing to hang up his gloves at the end of his professional boxing career, says the political fight ahead of him will be dirtier than any fight he has had in the ring. "This is a fight without rules," he says flatly. "The experience of previous campaigns tells us that in all probability there will be (electoral) fraudulence. With great regret, we are expecting some dirty play," he said. He says he is only on acquaintance terms with Yanukovich. But the daily online newspaper Ukrainska Pravda quoted him last week as saying that Yanukovich had once tried to win his support by using gangster language to establish common ground. Of Tymoshenko? "She should be freed. You can not talk of a path to Europe and of democratic principles when a representative of the opposition is in jail." Of homosexuality and an anti-gay bill which passed its first reading in parliament? "One of the main components of democratic society is the ability to choose ... we must be tolerant towards people who have completely different views for whatever reason." Klitschko has never been in parliament and failed in two attempts to become mayor of Kiev, Ukraine's capital city - a factor which might have led many of his political opponents to underestimate his campaign. Analysts say he has yet to face the worst in Ukrainian politics which involves dirty tricks, personal mud-slinging and financial back-handers being paid out to compromise candidate. Up to now, the only potentially compromising piece of material against him is a photograph on the Internet which shows him arm in arm with a known gangster who was killed in 2005. Klitschko dismisses the importance of this, saying the person was only one of numerous people with whom he has been photographed over the years. In two decades in the ring, he was known not only for his high knock-out rate, but also his patience in probing weaknesses in his opponent's defenses before landing the killer punch. He will have to show much the same cold-blooded stealth in the swamp of the Ukrainian parliament if he has aspirations of going for the presidency in 2015. "The main risks for him are after the election is over. He will have two years of fighting in parliament ahead of him against the majority in power and also against parts of the opposition," said Fesenko. "It will be like going 12 rounds where everything is decided in the final round."

Votes For Sale In New Ukraine

KIEV, Ukraine -- Wanna buy a vote? A polling-station official? Candidates are for sale, too. For those with deeper pockets, entire political parties are on the block as Ukrainians prepare to elect their parliament on Oct. 28. The Europeans and Americans have expressed their concerns over the re-emergence of political prisoners in the former Soviet state -- a phenomenon that was supposed to be a thing of the past. From behind bars, politicians such as Yulia Tymoshenko cannot run for office. Canada hasn't minced words and described the pre-election environment as troubling due to "procedural irregularities, widespread vote-buying, limitations on freedom of speech and a lack of effective consideration of election disputes." That assessment comes from the largest contingent of observers Ottawa says it has ever deployed. All in, 500 Canadians are expected in Ukraine during the campaign's last two weeks. What they see may shock, but it's common in Ukrainian politics. A recent poll showed 11 per cent of Ukrainians are willing to sell their vote. Some parties pay cash, others hand out supermarket discount cards. The rascals even dole out bags of buckwheat to curry electoral favour. There are more than 200 political parties in Ukraine's national registry; 80 took part in lotteries to staff 33,000 election commissions, but not all won, leaving two leading opposition parties shut out of the process. To add insult to injury, many of the one-horse parties replaced their people with those working for the ruling Regions party. Candidates known as "clones" are running against politicians with the same names in a bid to confuse voters. In a riding in Lviv oblast, three candidates surnamed Kozak were registered, two of them named Taras. And "technical parties," whose role is to split and spoil votes, will be on one of two ballots voters will fill out. Two ballots: one for the party voters want in parliament, the other for the person they want to represent their riding. There are 22 parties on the first ballot and more than 1,200 independents on the second. The last time this confusing system was used was 2002, when forces in opposition to then-president Leonid Kuchma beat those loyal to him. But a pro-presidential majority was cobbled together when MPs who ran as independents threw their support to the government after elections. Some predict a similar outcome this time. Polls give the opposition a slight edge over President Viktor Yanukovych's Regions and the communists -- a political alliance of crony capitalists and orthodox Marxists who, in most countries, would be opposed to one another. But in Ukraine, these two groups are united by nostalgia for the Soviet past, love for access to taxpayer funds, fear of Western-style transparency and a desire to move into the Russian bear's open embrace. There's a myriad of pro-Western opposition parties, but only three appear poised to cross the five per cent qualifying barrier for seats in the Rada. They include the Fatherland party Tymoshenko led for many years. While she's serving a seven-year sentence for making a bad gas deal with Russia, some of the ministers who formed her cabinet are leading her party's campaign. With Tymoshenko out of the picture, the boxing world's heavyweight champ Vitality Klitschko and his party UDAR (acronym for "punch" or "blow") are filling the charismatic-leader void and now polling highest among the opposition. Desperate to curb Klitschko's growing popularity, Yanukovych's "political technologists" enlisted star soccer forward Andriy Shevchenko to run for one of the "technical parties." The Ukraine Forward party claims it's in opposition, but dares not criticize Yanukovych. So when Shevchenko challenged Klitschko to a debate, the boxer called the ace football striker's bluff. Sure, I'll debate, but only if you're pro-government. If we're both really in opposition, what's the point? That shut Sheva up. The third opposition party expected to make the grade is the nationalist Svoboda. Leader Oleh Tiahnybok's anti-everybody-who-is-not-Ukrainian rhetoric has landed him in hot water in the past, but his party appears to have a struck a chord among voters wanting radical change, especially in Western Ukraine. Compared to previous elections, the current campaign is considered particularly nasty. Two months in, police said they were investigating three dozen criminal violations. Even if everything goes smoothly on election day, the elections process has not been free and fair. There's a lot at stake for President Yanukovych, who has enjoyed more than two years of a rubber-stamping parliament. Now he's counting on rubber-stamping election observers, who haven't seen what came before and won't see what comes after Oct. 28.