KIEV, Ukraine -- The door to Ukraine’s presidency has all but been shut in the  face of Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko. But now she has managed to stick her  foot in just before the door closed. She won a court ruling that suspended the  results of the Feb. 7 runoff, pending an investigation into her allegations of  election fraud.
Nevertheless, Western leaders and election observers have already been quick to  recognize Victor Yanukovych, the same man they accused of trying to steal  Ukraine’s presidency during the 2004 election, as victor in  2010.
Tymoshenko’s opponents and independent analysts, meanwhile,  interpret her tenacity in challenging the election results more as an exercise  in political survival than a genuine attempt to overturn the outcome.
On  Feb. 17, Ukraine’s Higher Administrative Court suspended the official election  results announced on Valentine’s Day by the country’s Central Electoral  Commission, which declared Yanukovych the winner by a slim margin of 3.5  percentage points, or 888,000 ballots.
Tymoshenko personally delivered  her case to the judges in Kyiv on Feb. 16, tunneling her way through a crowd of  Party of Regions supporters camped outside, after having vowed to never  surrender the nation to Yanukovych’s “gang of criminals.”
“I want to make  it clear: Yanukovych is not our president. However the future circumstances play  themselves out, he will never become the legitimately elected president of  Ukraine,” Tymoshenko said in a televised address on Feb. 13, breaking nearly a  week of public silence.
The court is expected to take a final decision by  Feb. 25, the scheduled inauguration day of Yanukovych.
At issue are 1.5  million votes from the Feb. 7 runoff, which Tymoshenko’s team claims was stolen  from them by the Yanukovych camp through various fraudulent  schemes.
Vadym Karasyov, a political analyst at the Institute of Global  Strategies, said fraud may have been significant in the Feb. 7 runoff. But  Karasyov said it wasn’t limited to the Yanukovych team.
In a newsletter  released by Tymoshenko’s team, her claims of election fraud included damaged or  spoiled ballots, illegal changes to voter lists on election day and unusually  high turnout figures in Yanukovych-friendly eastern Ukraine, in addition to  suspicious home voting.
Add it up, and Tymoshenko’s side alleges the  fraud cost their candidate more than the margin of Yanukovych’s  victory.
“It’s even possible that Yanukovych was responsible for more  [fraud] than she was, but I don’t think she would have let him get away with a  million votes,” Karasyov said.
So why is Tymoshenko still kicking up a  fuss in the face of recognition of Yanukovych’s victory by international  heavyweights such as U.S. President Barack Obama, French President Nicolas  Sarkozy, Russian Prime Minister Vladimir Putin, the Organization for Security  and Cooperation in Europe and the European Parliament?
According to  analyst Karasyov: “She wants to hold together her faction, remain prime minister  and – most of all – retain her image as an unbeatable candidate for future  elections.”
It was Tymoshenko who helped reverse Yanukovych’s  fraud-marred victory in the 2004 presidential race. She mesmerized the crowds of  peaceful pro-democracy demonstrators in the center of Kyiv during the 2004  Orange Revolution, the culmination of years of opposition struggle against  international pariah and former President Leonid Kuchma, who had chosen  Yanukovych as his successor.
Tymoshenko went on to become the first prime  minister of President Victor Yushchenko. Then, after Yushchenko fired her as  part of post-Revolution squabbling, Tymoshenko retook the government and the  lead position among Orange leaders during a snap parliamentary election held in  2007.
Now, by stubbornly refusing to admit defeat, Tymoshenko might be  finally showing signs of vulnerability. “This is just her Achilles heel showing.  I think she just doesn’t know how to get out of this situation with dignity,”  Hanna Herman, a close confidant of Yanukovych and veteran of the 2004 election,  said.
“After this ruckus that she has kicked up, I think her chances of  winning a future election have been seriously diminished,” Herman  concluded.
Although Yanukovych clinched the Feb. 7 runoff by a slim lead,  the growing general consensus is that he has won fair and  square.
Election observers from the OSCE, the Parliamentary Assembly of  the Council of Europe, the European Parliament and other Western institutions  endorsed the validity of Yanukovych’s victory even earlier than the CEC, during  a press conference held on Feb. 8.
Klas Bergman, director of  communications for the OSCE’s Parliamentary Assembly, said the OSCE and its  Western partner institutions fielded 700 observers for the runoff, not including  hundreds of other international observers.
“Of course, we don’t see  everything. There were polling stations where we weren’t present,” Bergman said.  But he added: “We took part in numerous activities across the country and we  were aware of this [issue of home voting] and looked into it.”
Charles  Tannock, a British lawmaker and Tymoshenko supporter who monitored the Ukrainian  runoff for the European Parliament, also acknowledged the possibility that  Western observers had missed some fraud during the runoff, “though normally the  long-term observers who are very experienced pick up on this if [it is] on a  large scale, as there are usually intelligence leaks from the opposition which  are investigated,” Tannock said.
Regarding the suspicions about home  voting, which have been raised by Tymoshenko’s team, Tannock said: “I am not  aware of any serious scrutiny of the home voting but understand the ballot boxes  are escorted by a mixed team from both parties to avoid any tampering, making  such a thing on a large scale very difficult, as this has been raised in  previous elections and dismissed in 2004.”
So does the tenacious lady in  braids have a chance at overturning the Feb. 7 runoff and calling a new vote, as  she helped do against Yanukovych in 2004?
Karasyov says, “No. This is  just a diversion. The court gets to show they are objective, and Yulia gets  another chance to trumpet her case.”
Tymoshenko has already suffered  losses in her campaign to challenge the vote in lower Ukrainian  courts.
“She’s scored another goal, but she won’t win the match,”  Karasyov said.
 
No comments:
Post a Comment