Thursday, 19 June 2014
Poroshenko is not the master of Ukraine. He is like the Queen of England
he political crisis in Ukraine after the presidential election has not abated, but evolved into another phase. In Kiev, riots have been rather frequent lately. The people, to whom pro-Western media refer as EuroMaidan activists, are the driving force of those riots. This time, the goal of the Maidan-concerned citizens is the Verkhovna Rada. The people demand the Rada should be re-elected immediately. Needless to say that this action, like the entire Maidan in general, was ordered and paid for by certain political forces. These forces do not hide themselves - it is the Udar party of former boxer (and now mayor of Kiev) Vitali Klitschko and neo-Nazi Freedom party of Oleg Tyagnibok that need the Rada to change. Members of Svoboda want to "reset" the parliament in a hope to obtain more mandates than they have now. As for the Udar party, it is clear that there are people from the presidential administration who want changes for themselves. No wonder, as current president Poroshenko and Klitschko are now partners. Prior to the presidential election, they amicably shared the positions of the leader of Ukraine and the leader of its capital, which subsequently materialized in reality. But why does the "Chocolate King" in the presidential office and his partner in the political business need a new Rada? What is it that they do not like about the old parliament? In fact, after the coup on February 22, the previous majority of the Party of Regions and its allies was more than successfully recruited by the new government. One did not have to do much for that. There was a meaningful appeal from U.S. Ambassador Mr. Payette to members of the Party of Regions who fled to Europe: "Go back to Ukraine - one must start working." Presumably, the U.S. official was talking about a possibility to freeze their foreign assets in case of refusal. In Ukraine, Right Sector militants and other Nazi formations found much more convincing arguments in the form of threats of arson of numerous luxury villas near Kiev. As a result, the process went very quickly. The "supporters of state bilingualism," "friendship with Russia" and other slogans to defraud voters in Russian-speaking regions, started voting for the war in the Donbas, for mass mobilization in the Ukrainian army (ukroarmy), for accepting any terms of the IMF and so on. Very few MPs, such as deputy Oleg Tsarev and several Communists, found the courage to take a strong stand against the policies of the pro-American junta. But, alas, they could not do anything in the parliament that turned into Washington's another puppet theater. Nevertheless, Poroshenko does not like the Rada Ukraine has today. He does not have the powers that his predecessors had. Poroshenko was bluffing when he said: "I am quite satisfied with Prime Minister Yatsenyuk, I will not look for a replacement." He, as the head of state, under the current Constitution can not single-handedly appoint the prime minister, individual ministers (except for ministers of defense, foreign affairs and chief of the Security Bureau), the Attorney General - all this is the power of the Verkhovna Rada and the ruling coalition of deputies, which, incidentally, is controlled by Poroshenko's main rival for supremacy - Yulia Tymoshenko. Poroshenko, in fact, is not the "master of Ukraine." He is like the "Queen of England" - well, maybe just a little bit more influential than she is due to the functions of the Supreme Commander. This, indirectly explains why Kiev does not go for peaceful initiatives to solve the Donbass crisis. In a nutshell, without a meaningful support in the parliament in the face of loyal deputies, Poroshenko will not see real power in his hands. It just so happens that he needs to reset the Rada to achieve that. The president needs new parliamentary elections as soon as possible, while Ukraine still has some Russian natural gas, while Ukraine remains a fairly solvent state, while the numbers of casualties in the civil war counts thousands,not hundreds of thousands. When autumn comes, the artificially created rankings of the new Ukrainian president will deflate like a soap bubble. Poroshenko's Napoleonic plans come across a lot of obstacles. The biggest one of them is the fact that MPs were elected in the autumn of 2012 for five years, and they are not willing to re-invest millions of dollars in the early re-elections of their own selves. But here's another problem, the largest ruling coalition of Tymoshenko's faction takes the same position. Why does she need to fight for power again if she already has through the influence of key ministers, including Interior Minister Avakov? When summer ends, it will be possible to accuse Poroshenko of all consequences of the terrible crisis. Yulia Tymoshenko will not lose this chance to appear in front of all Ukrainians as a wise and caring mother of the nation. To crown it all, the president does not have legal means to make the Rada hold new elections. The Constitution stipulates for only three reasons for such a move - the lack of the ruling majority for a month, the absence of government for the same period of time, and the inability of the Parliament to meet for 30 days. None of these conditions is currently available. And this is the time when the guarantor of the Constitution thought of his lackeys from the Maidan, whom he did not even make happy with his own presence after the inauguration. On Tuesday, Maidan activists arranged a "corridor of shame" at the entrance to the Rada. They say that all unreliable deputies should walk through this corridor and sign a petition for the dissolution of the parliament. The outcome of the struggle of Poroshenko and his allies for early elections to the Verkhovna Rada is not exactly clear. It is the Americans, who say the final word on that, but their choices is still unclear too.